Secrets of Andropov The chairman of the KGB of the USSR Andropov was a respected leader for the security officers of the 60-80s. For a long time his portraits hung in the offices of some operatives. The author on the table, also as a sign of the same respect and reverence for the big boss, stood

Interregnum. Andropov and Chernenko A strange fate befell Yuri Andropov. In terms of culture and ability, he undoubtedly surpassed most of his peers in the Brezhnev leadership. In the 1960s, he was favored by the intellectual reformers. But

Started by the death of Yu.V. Andropov, 1984 in the foreign policy of the USSR was a year of thaw in international relations. Already during the funeral of Yu.V. Andropova K.U. Chernenko held a series of consultations with leaders of delegations from foreign countries: the United States (George Bush), Germany (Helmut Kohl), France (Pierre Maurois), Great Britain (Margaret Thatcher). There was also an extended meeting with the leaders of the countries participating in the Warsaw Pact: Todor Zhivkov (Bulgaria), Janos Kadar (Hungary), Erich Honecker (GDR), Wojciech Jaruzelski (Poland), Gustav Husak (Czechoslovakia), Nicolae Ceausescu (Romania). Chernenko paid much attention to the problem of peaceful coexistence of states and peoples of the planet. At a meeting with voters in the Kuibyshev district of Moscow on March 2, 1984, Konstantin Ustinovich outlined an extremely important task: "To save mankind from the possibility of using chemical weapons" 1 . The importance of this task has once again been convincingly shown by the events of our modern world politics. In addition, the main directions of the foreign policy line of K. U. Chernenko (“Chernenko’s six points”) were: “1. Consider the prevention of nuclear war as the main goal of its foreign policy. Avoid situations fraught with a nuclear conflict. And in the event of such a danger, urgent consultations should be held in order to prevent a nuclear fire from breaking out.

2. Refuse to promote nuclear war in any of its variants - global or limited.

3. Commit to not being the first to use nuclear weapons.

4. Under no circumstances should nuclear weapons be used against non-nuclear countries on whose territory there are no such weapons. Respect the status of the already established and encourage the formation of new nuclear-free zones in various parts of the world.

5. Prevent the spread of nuclear weapons in any form; not transfer to anyone this weapon or control over it; do not place it in the territories of countries where it does not exist; not to transfer the nuclear arms race to new areas, including space.

6. Step by step, on the basis of the principle of equal security, achieve the reduction of nuclear weapons up to their complete elimination in all varieties. It should be noted that the Soviet Union was always ready to discuss these proposals with all countries of the capitalist world. But not all countries accepted these proposals, and sometimes even ignored them. Throughout 1984, KU Chernenko met with delegations from the socialist countries, as well as from the communist parties of Greece, Japan, and Portugal. New diplomatic contacts were also made with the heads of government of the capitalist countries.

A real historical event was the official visit to the USSR of the King of Spain Juan Carlos I and Queen Sofia, which took place from May 10 to 16, 1984. The head of Spain visited the USSR for the first time. It should be noted that in February 1984 an agreement on economic and industrial cooperation was signed between the governments of the USSR and Spain. From June 20-23, 1984, the President of the French Republic Francois Mitterrand also pays an official visit to the USSR. K. U. Chernenko during the talks stated: “We attach paramount importance to maintaining greater stability in Soviet-French relations, because, in addition to mutual benefit, this can today be of considerable benefit to strengthening international security and contribute to the revival of detente”3. On June 18, 1984, an official visit to the USSR of a member national leadership Sandinista National Liberation Front, Coordinator of the Governing Council of the Government of the National Renaissance of Nicaragua Daniel Ortega (attachment, photo). KU Chernenko and D. Ortega agreed to expand economic ties between the USSR and Nicaragua. On October 9, 1984, the President of the Yemeni Arab Republic, Ali Abdullah Saleh, visited the USSR for the first time.

During the visit, a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between the USSR and the YAR was signed. It must be said that under K. U. Chernenko, solidarity was shown with the workers of England, after which Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher closed 20 coal mines. The All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions sent financial assistance to England and an invitation to families in need to rest in the Crimea and the Caucasus. In 1984 after long break North Korean leader Kim Il Sung visited the USSR. The result of the negotiations between the USSR and the DPRK was the warming of relations and the cancellation of debts North Korea. In addition, the Soviet Union wanted to enlist the support of the DPRK in the boycott of the Olympics in the United States in 1984: “While meeting Kim Il Sung at the border, the commander of the Transbaikal military district, Stanislav Postnikov, at the request of Ustinov, asked if Korean athletes would go to the Olympics in the United States, which was boycotted by the USSR. "I don't think they will participate," Kim replied. In the end, North Korea really supported the boycott.”

We can say that it was an act of a certain socialist solidarity of countries. A major achievement in KU Chernenko's foreign policy was the warming of relations with the People's Republic of China. On December 28, 1984, an agreement was signed between the USSR and the PRC on economic and technical cooperation. On the one hand, China had a lot to learn from Deng Xiaoping's reforms. On the other hand, in addition to the economic sphere, this document outlined the political foundations of cooperation, “based on the principles of equality, mutual benefit, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs and mutual respect for sovereignty”5. On April 26, 1984, a meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU was held, which discussed the results of the conversation between the First Secretary of the PUWP Central Committee V. Jaruzelsky with D. F. Ustinov and A. A. Gromyko. It was dedicated to the still raging Polish crisis. At it, Konstantin Ustinovich spoke about the geopolitical consequences of the events in Poland: “We really cannot but be concerned about the events in Poland. They go far beyond the existing framework and affect the fate of the socialist community, have the most direct impact.

bearing to our safety" 6 . The concern shown by the Secretary-General was not unfounded. Poland was a local geopolitical object for Western countries. Having deployed its missile defense systems there, NATO could calmly put pressure on the USSR and the entire socialist camp. Chernenko instructed to keep in touch with Wojciech Jaruzelski and prepare for a bilateral meeting in Moscow. In May 1984, K. U. Chernenko was able to talk with V. Jaruzelsky about the situation in Poland. Note that in the last years of L. I. Brezhnev’s life, a procedure was established to make written preparations for telephone conversations Secretary-General on paper for his conversation. So, E. I. Chazov recalled the words of Chernenko: “You know, today I talked on the phone with Jaruzelsky. The text of my conversation was prepared, but the assistants forgot to present it to me, and imagine - I had to speak not according to the text. And you know, it worked out well.”

And I thought - my poor great country, if its leader is talking on the phone with the leader of another country according to a text prepared in advance by assistants”7. In the autumn of 1984, K. U. Chernenko had conversations with the leader of the SPD, Hans Johan Vogel, and the leader of the British Labor Party, Neil Klinnock. "He tried to convince his interlocutors that both Soviet-West German and Soviet-British relations could not be considered in isolation from the disarmament policy of the FRG and Great Britain"8. In other words, Chernenko called on Western countries to open and mutual dialogue on one of the most pressing problems of the whole world. On November 5, 1984, KU Chernenko spoke at a meeting with the leaders of youth organizations of the socialist countries. On it, Konstantin Ustinovich outlined the main goals and tasks facing youth organizations. This is, first of all, the strengthening of ties between youth organizations and fraternal parties and the development of a single line for maintaining peace in the international arena: “Our party highly appreciates the contribution of youth organizations of socialist countries to the struggle for peace, against the threat of nuclear war.

We support all Komsomol initiatives aimed at solving this noble task. At the end of 1984, the American businessman Armand Hammer visited the USSR, who met with the country's leadership, the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. At the meeting, KU Chernenko and Armand Hammer discussed a number of issues related to cultural exchange between the USSR and the capitalist countries, the prevention of nuclear war, and the implementation of the plan for the struggle for a world without war.

In particular, Armand Hammer had a conversation with Chernenko about the signing of Soviet-American agreements to limit nuclear weapons and not be the first to use them. The question was about its execution by both sides. The US claimed that the USSR had more weapons. As you know, US President R. Reagan called the USSR an "evil empire." Hammer insisted on signing a bilateral agreement and on a meeting between KU Chernenko and R. Reagan. To these proposals, K. U. Chernenko replied: “I need to think.

My first feeling is that such an agreement will not protect us from sabotage and subterfuge that could provoke a war. The Russian people well remember the duplicity of the Nazis when they put Polish uniforms on their soldiers and photographed them on German territory to prove that the Poles attacked them first. This was the reason for the Nazis to declare war on Poland. Hammer left some memories of a personal meeting with K. U. Chernenko: “He easily got up from the table that stood at the other end of the room and walked towards me, smiling and holding out his hand for a confident and strong handshake. His slightly flushed face and confident demeanor had nothing to do with the pale, feeble figure we saw on TV." This was the last major meeting of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko. With the beginning of 1985, his health deteriorated sharply, and he spent most of his time in the Kremlin Central Clinical Hospital. At 7:40 pm on March 10, 1985, the earthly path of a peasant boy from the village of Bolshaya Tes, who reached the pinnacle of party and state power, ended.

On March 13, the funeral of K. U. Chernenko took place. In the mourning speech of the new General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, M. S. Gorbachev, the following words were heard: Communist Party, the collective nature of the activities of the Central Committee and its Politburo. He always strived to ensure that the party at all levels acted as a cohesive, well-coordinated and militant organism. He saw the unity of thoughts and deeds of the communists as a guarantee of success, overcoming shortcomings, a guarantee of progressive movement forward. But already in a political report at the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, M. S. Gorbachev said that “stagnation began to appear in the life of society, both in the economic and social spheres.”

Stagnation was understood as the entire period of 1964-1985. So everything that K. U. Chernenko did was declared a brake on further development and was subject to restructuring, or rather, as subsequent events showed, destruction ... In perestroika times, the memorial plaque from the house in which K. U. Chernenko lived disappeared, and to this day its fate is unknown. In those same years, another memory of K. U. Chernenko, as a statesman and political figure, was also erased. printed on the pages of newspapers and magazines different kind articles discrediting the honor and dignity of Soviet leaders. As for Chernenko, he began to be seen as, above all, just an intermediate figure. So, the article “Secrets of August 1991. The Americans got the bet on Gorbachev very correctly and in a timely manner” contains one key phrase: “Bush’s national security adviser, former CIA officer Donald Gregg, told the vice president that Finnish intelligence considers 72-year-old Chernenko a transitional figure.” We can say that the same opinion was taken as a basis for the new leadership of our country ...

Savin Mikhail Igorevich (Sarov Polytechnic College named after B. G. Muzrukov)

October 7th, 2016

As I remember now, we are sitting on high chairs in a children's sanatorium and on the radio they say "The General Secretary of the USSR Konstantin Chernenko has died" and then we will howl with the whole group. We just had a boy in the group - Chernenko.

How much do you know about this General Secretary? A lot of things are written about Brezhnev, Andropov, Khrushchev. But this one ... let's find out something in more detail.

In February 1984, Soviet citizens experienced mixed feelings - some felt embarrassed, others openly had fun. 72-year-old Konstantin Chernenko was elected as the new General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU instead of 69-year-old Yuri Andropov, who died of a serious illness. The new Soviet leader was also seriously ill, and looking at him appearance, the inhabitants of the Land of Soviets said: it won't be long to wait for a new funeral.

The forecast turned out to be correct: Chernenko's rule lasted a little over a year, and even during this period the leader was mostly in a hospital bed.

The late USSR in this sense was reminiscent of the Vatican: just as Catholic hierarchs sometimes choose an elder as a temporary compromise figure as a pontiff, so representatives of the Soviet party elite elected the ailing Chernenko so that for some time he would be a screen for a fierce struggle for power hidden from the eyes.

Konstantin Chernenko himself was not eager to become a leader. All his life he was a skillful and diligent performer, who at the end of his life suddenly found himself at the very top.

Ukrainian from Siberia

It is all the more surprising that the biography of this Soviet General Secretary has perhaps the largest number of "blank spots". Created "spots" Chernenko himself, taking advantage of his official position. Having headed the General Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU in the 1960s, he gained access to the most important party secrets, including the biographies of the leaders.

Having established the strictest system of access to work with archive documents, Chernenko tried to ensure that the most controversial and controversial pages of his own biography disappeared from his array forever.

He was born on September 24, 1911 in the village of Bolshaya Tes, Yenisei province. His father, Ustin Demidovich Chernenko, came from a family of Ukrainian peasants who moved to Siberia. My father worked in copper mines and gold mines.

Many years later, when Chernenko had already entered the top leadership of the USSR, his native village would be flooded during the creation of the Krasnoyarsk reservoir.

Chernenko had quite a few relatives and, having become a "big man", he helped them get settled in "bread" places. However, unlike the riotous lifestyle of Brezhnev's daughter, Chernenko's relatives, like himself, skillfully remained in the shadows, without causing irritation.

The career of a functionary could be ruined by women

In his youth, Kostya Chernenko graduated from a three-year school for rural youth, after which he began his party career. At the age of 18 he became the head of the department of agitation and propaganda of the district committee of the Komsomol. Then he served in the border troops, where he distinguished himself both in the elimination of a dangerous gang, and in his main "specialty" of an agitator-propagandist. During the service, Chernenko joined the party and became the secretary of the party organization of the border detachment.

Returning from the army, the 22-year-old young man was determined to continue his successful party career.

By the beginning of the war, Chernenko had grown to the position of secretary of the Krasnoyarsk regional committee of the CPSU (b), and in the midst of the war he was sent to higher school party organizers under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. After graduation, the functionary was sent to work in Penza. In 1948, in Moscow, they intended to take him to work in the central office.

And this is where my career faltered. A letter came to Moscow from a certain woman who claimed that Chernenko was an immoral person living in several families at once. Subsequently, Chernenko tried to hide all the documents related to the party's verification of this fact as deep as possible or completely destroy it.

It is known, however, that party comrades came to the conclusion that certain facts discrediting Konstantin Ustinovich took place. This did not completely destroy his career, but instead of Moscow, he ended up in Chisinau, taking the post of head of the propaganda and agitation department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Moldova.

exemplary performer

Two years later, Leonid Brezhnev became First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Moldova. Acquaintance with him, which grew into friendship, became fateful for Chernenko. It is not known whether the fact that both experienced an increased attraction to the female sex in their youth played a role in this, but it is reliably known that Brezhnev very quickly appreciated Chernenko's skills as a performer and organizer. Moving up, Leonid Ilyich will pull his friend along with him.

In 1956, Chernenko still gets a job in Moscow, becoming the head of the mass agitation sector in the propaganda and agitation department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. In 1960, Leonid Brezhnev became chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and Chernenko was appointed head of the Secretariat of the Presidium.

In 1965, after Brezhnev became "man number one" in the USSR, Chernenko was appointed head of the General Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

It's hard to call him right hand Brezhnev - for this role, he was too inconspicuous and unambitious. But it depended on Chernenko how quickly this or that issue would be resolved, and what kind of decision could be made. In his hands was all the correspondence of the Secretary General, he prepared draft answers, materials for meetings of the Politburo, and much more. Over time, Chernenko de facto himself began to make decisions on many issues, only bringing a ready-made verdict for Brezhnev to approve. However, this did not concern key issues - Chernenko never crossed the border.

From the second half of the 1970s, when Brezhnev's health began to deteriorate, "friend Kostya" became an indispensable person for him. In 1978, he was introduced to the top leaders of the country, becoming a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee.

At the same time, part of the party elite began to consider him as a possible successor to Brezhnev, in defiance of another group that supported Yuri Andropov.

In November 1982, when Brezhnev died, Andropov's supporters took over, Chernenko at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU personally announced the candidacy of the ex-chairman of the KGB of the USSR for the post of General Secretary. The proposal was accepted unanimously.

And on February 13, 1984, after the death of Andropov, Chernenko himself was approved for the post of Secretary General.

Year of Secretary General Chernenko: boycott of the Olympics, school reform and persecution of rockers

As already mentioned, by this time he was seriously ill. However, during the short period of his reign, some significant things happened. A school reform was launched, which included, in particular, education from the age of 6 and the introduction of a five-day period.

Chernenko, who graduated from the Pedagogical Institute while working in Moldova, was generally actively interested in education issues - it was under him that the Day of Knowledge holiday appeared.

Under Chernenko, an answer was given to the Americans' boycott of the 1980 Olympics in Moscow - the USSR national team refused to participate in the Games in Los Angeles, and large-scale competitions "Friendship-84" were organized as an alternative to them.

Chernenko launched a campaign to combat musical groups that cause "ideological and aesthetic damage." This period became the time of the most severe pressure in relation to the representatives of "Russian rock".

Contrary to the erroneous perception, the investigation of major corruption cases initiated under Andropov was not curtailed under Chernenko. The former head of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs Nikolai Shchelokov was stripped of the rank of army general, state awards and expelled from the party during the reign of Konstantin Ustinovich.

Chernenko was a supporter of the party rehabilitation of Stalin, but he failed to carry out this project. But he reinstated in the party the famous figure of the Stalin era, Vyacheslav Molotov. This step towards the 94-year-old Molotov will give rise to an anecdote: "Chernenko found himself a successor."

Jokes aside, but the mighty Stalinist People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs and the head of the Soviet government will outlive Chernenko, ending his earthly journey already in the era of perestroika.

The last election of the dying

In the mid-1970s, the Soviet leadership was struck by an epidemic of mutual awards that also affected Chernenko. Under Brezhnev, he twice became the Hero of Socialist Labor, and he received the third "Gold Star" in 1984, on his last birthday.

In February 1985, elections to the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR were held, and the first person of the state, according to tradition, was nominated for deputies by labor collectives. Chernenko did not leave the ward in the Central clinical hospital, and everyone understood that he was living his last days. Nevertheless, the scenery of the polling station was created right in the chamber in order to show the people the participation of the Secretary General in an important state event.

On February 28, 1985, the Vremya program showed the ceremony of presenting Chernenko with a deputy certificate. This broadcast made a depressing impression - the leader of the country was suffocating, spoke with difficulty and practically could not stand on his feet without the help of outsiders. Against this background, even Brezhnev in recent years seemed to be a vigorous healthy man.

"Ku" problem

Konstantin Chernenko died on March 10, 1985 at 19:20 Moscow time. Three days later, he became the last person to be buried at the Kremlin wall.

The Secretary General never found out what role he played in the fate of the comedy "Kin-dza-dza!", which has now become a classic of Russian cinema. The fact is that Chernenko came to power in the midst of work on the tape, confusing the creators: the main word of the aliens "ku" coincided with the initials of the Secretary General - Konstantin Ustinovich. Fearing trouble, Georgy Danelia and Rezo Gabriadze decided to replace "ku" with something else, but not one option seemed suitable. While the issue of replacement was being resolved, Chernenko died, and the film remained unchanged. So the “ku” in this comedy is also the memory of the strangest leader of the Soviet era.