The invasion of the Mongol Tatars to Russia led. The most shocking facts about Batu's invasion of Russia 

XIV. MONGOLO-TATARS. – GOLDEN HORDE

(continuation)

Growth of the Mongol-Tatar Empire. - Campaign of Batu to Eastern Europe. - The military structure of the Tatars. - Invasion of the Ryazan land. - The ruin of the Suzdal land and the capital city. - Defeat and death of Yuri II. - The reverse movement to the steppe and the ruin of Southern Russia. - The fall of Kyiv. – A trip to Poland and Hungary.

For the invasion of the Tatars into Northern Russia, the Lavrentiev (Suzdal) and Novgorod chronicles serve, and for the invasion of the South - Ipatiev (Volyn). The latter is told very inconsequentially; so that we have the scariest news about the actions of the Tatars in the Kyiv, Volyn and Galician lands. We meet some details in the later vaults, Voskresensky, Tver and Nikonovsky. In addition, there was a special legend about Batu's invasion of the Ryazan land; but printed in Vremennik Ob. I. and Dr. No. 15. (About him, in general about the ruin of the Ryazan land, see my "History of the Ryazan principality", chapter IV.) Rashid Eddin's news about Batu's campaigns was translated by Berezin and supplemented with notes (Journal M.N. Pr. 1855. No. 5 ). G. Berezin also developed the idea of ​​the Tatar method of operating in a round-up.

For the Tatar invasion of Poland and Hungary, see the Polish-Latin chronicles of Bogufal and Dlugosh. Ropel Geschichte Polens. I.Th. Palatsky D jiny narodu c "eskeho I. His own Einfal der Mongolen. Prag. 1842. Mailat Ceschichte der Magyaren. I. Hammer-Purgsthal Geschichte der Goldenen Horde. Wolf in his Geschichte der Mongolen oder Tataren, by the way (ch. VI) , critically reviews the stories of these historians about the invasion of the Mongols; in particular, he tries to refute the presentation of Palacky in relation to the mode of action of the Czech king Wenzel, as well as in relation to the well-known legend about the victory of Yaroslav Sternberk over the Tatars near Olomouc.

Mongol-Tatar Empire after Genghis Khan

Meanwhile, from the east, from Asia, a menacing cloud moved in. Genghis Khan appointed Kipchak and the entire side to the north and west of the Aral-Caspian to his eldest son Jochi, who was supposed to complete the conquest of this side, begun by Jebe and Subudai. But the attention of the Mongols was still diverted by the stubborn struggle in the east of Asia with two strong kingdoms: the Niuchi empire and the Tangut state neighboring with it. These wars delayed the defeat of Eastern Europe by more than ten years. Besides, Jochi is dead; and Temuchin [Genghis Khan] himself (1227) soon followed him, having managed to personally destroy the kingdom of Tangut before his death. Three sons survived after him: Jagatai, Ogodai and Tului. He appointed Ogodai as his successor, or supreme khan, as the most intelligent among the brothers; Jagatai was given Bukharia and eastern Turkestan, Tuluy - Iran and Persia; and Kipchak was to come into the possession of the sons of Jochi. Temujin bequeathed to his descendants to continue the conquests and even outlined a general plan of action for them. The great kurultai, assembled in his homeland, that is, on the banks of the Kerulen, confirmed his orders. Ogodai, who had commanded the Chinese War even under his father, tirelessly continued this war until he completely destroyed the Niuchi empire and established his dominion there (1234). Only then did he pay attention to other countries and, among other things, began to prepare a great campaign against Eastern Europe.

During this time, the Tatar temniki, who commanded in the Caspian countries, did not remain inactive; but they tried to keep in subjection the nomads conquered by Jebe Subudai. In 1228, according to the Russian chronicle, “from below” (from the Volga) the Saksins (a tribe unknown to us) and the Polovtsy, pressed by the Tatars, ran to the Bulgarians; Bulgarian guard detachments, defeated by them, also came running from the country of Priyaitskaya. Around the same time, in all likelihood, the Bashkirs, tribesmen of the Ugric peoples, were conquered. Three years later, the Tatars undertook an exploratory campaign deep into Kama Bulgaria and wintered in it somewhere before reaching the Great City. The Polovtsy, for their part, apparently used the circumstances to defend their independence with weapons. At least their chief khan Kotyan subsequently, when he sought refuge in Ugria, told the Ugric king that he had defeated the Tatars twice.

The beginning of the Batu invasion

Having finished with the empire of Niuchey, Ogodai moved the main forces of the Mongol-Tatars to conquer South China, North India and the rest of Iran; and for the conquest of Eastern Europe he separated 300,000, the command over which he handed over to his young nephew Batu, the son of Dzhuchiev, who had already distinguished himself in the Asian wars. His uncle appointed the well-known Subudai-Bagadur as his leader, who, after the Kalka victory, together with Ogodai, completed the conquest of Northern China. The Great Khan gave Batu and other experienced commanders, including Burundai. Many young Genghisids also took part in this campaign, among other things, the son of Ogodai Gayuk and the son of Tului Mengu, the future successors of the great khan. From the upper reaches of the Irtysh, the horde moved to the west, along the nomad camps of various Turkish hordes, gradually annexing significant parts of them; so that it crossed the Yaik River in the amount of half a million warriors at least. One of the Muslim historians, speaking of this campaign, adds: "From the multitude of warriors the earth groaned; wild animals and night birds went mad from the bulk of the army." It was no longer the elite cavalry that made the first raid and fought on the Kalka; now a huge horde was moving slowly with their families, wagons and herds. She constantly migrated, stopping where she found sufficient pastures for her horses and other livestock. Having entered the Volga steppes, Batu himself continued to move to the lands of Mordva and Polovtsy; and to the north he separated part of the troops from Subudai-Bagadur for the conquest of Kama Bulgaria, which this latter accomplished in the autumn of 1236. This conquest, according to Tatar custom, was accompanied by a terrible devastation of the land and the beating of the inhabitants; by the way, the Great City was taken and put to the flames.

Khan Baty. Chinese drawing from the 14th century

By all indications, the movement of Batu was carried out according to a premeditated method of action, based on preliminary intelligence about those lands and peoples that it was decided to conquer. At least this can be said about the winter campaign in Northern Russia. Obviously, the Tatar military leaders already had accurate information about what time of the year is most favorable for military operations in this wooded side, replete with rivers and swamps; in the midst of them the movement of the Tatar cavalry would be very difficult at any other time, except in winter, when all the waters are frozen in ice, strong enough to endure horse hordes.

Military organization of the Mongol-Tatars

Only the invention of European firearms and the organization of large standing armies made a revolution in the attitude of the settled and agricultural peoples to the nomadic, pastoral peoples. Before this invention, the advantage in the struggle was often on the side of the latter; which is very natural. Nomadic hordes are almost always on the move; parts of them always more or less stick together and act as a dense mass. Nomads have no distinction in occupations and habits; they are all warriors. If the will of the energetic Khan or circumstances combined a large number of hordes into one mass and rushed them to settled neighbors, then it was difficult for the latter to successfully resist the destructive desire, especially where nature was of a flat character. The agricultural people scattered throughout their country, accustomed to peaceful pursuits, could not soon gather into a large militia; and even this militia, if it managed to advance in time, was far inferior to its opponents in speed of movement, in the habit of owning weapons, in the ability to act in unison and onslaught, in military experience and resourcefulness, and also in a warlike spirit.

All these qualities were possessed to a high degree by the Mongol-Tatars when they came to Europe. Temujin [Genghis Khan] gave them the main instrument of conquest: the unity of power and will. While the nomadic peoples are divided into special hordes, or clans, the power of their khans has, of course, the patriarchal nature of the ancestor and is far from unlimited. But when, by force of arms, one person subjugates entire tribes and peoples, then, naturally, it rises to a height inaccessible to a mere mortal. The old customs still live among this people and, as it were, limit the power of the supreme khan; the guardians of such customs among the Mongols are kurultai and noble influential families; but in the hands of the cunning, energetic khan, many means are already concentrated to become an unlimited despot. Having communicated unity to the nomadic hordes, Temujin further strengthened their power by introducing a monotonous and well-adapted military organization. The troops deployed by these hordes were arranged on the basis of a strictly decimal division. Dozens united into hundreds, the last into thousands, with foremen, centurions and thousanders at the head. Ten thousand made up the largest department called "fog" and were under the command of the temnik. Strict military discipline took the place of the former more or less free relations with the leaders. Disobedience or premature removal from the battlefield was punishable by death. In case of indignation, not only its participants were executed, but their entire family was condemned to extermination. Although Temuchin published the so-called Yasa (a kind of code of laws), although it was based on old Mongolian customs, it significantly increased their severity in relation to various actions and was truly draconian or bloody in nature.

The uninterrupted and long series of wars started by Temujin developed among the Mongols remarkable strategic and tactical methods for that time, i.e. general art of war. Where the terrain and circumstances did not interfere, the Mongols acted in enemy land in a round-up, in which they are especially familiar; since in this way the khan's hunt for wild animals usually took place. The hordes were divided into parts, went in girth and then approached the pre-designated main point, devastating the country with fire and sword, taking captives and all booty. Thanks to their steppe, undersized, but strong horses, the Mongols could make unusually fast and large transitions without rest, without stopping. Their horses were hardened and trained to endure hunger and thirst just like their riders. Moreover, the latter usually had several spare horses with them on campaigns, on which they transplanted as needed. Their enemies were often struck by the appearance of barbarians at a time when they considered them still at a far distance from themselves. Thanks to such cavalry, the reconnaissance unit of the Mongols was at a remarkable level of development. Any movement of the main forces was preceded by small detachments scattered in front and from the sides, as if in a fan; observation detachments also followed behind; so that the main forces were secured against any accident and surprise.

Regarding weapons, the Mongols, although they had spears and curved sabers, were predominantly archers (some sources, for example, Armenian chroniclers, call them "the people of archers"); they acted with such force and skill from a bow that their long arrows, equipped with an iron tip, pierced hard shells. As a rule, the Mongols first tried to weaken and upset the enemy with a cloud of arrows, and then they rushed at him hand-to-hand. If at the same time they met a courageous rebuff, then they turned into a feigned flight; as soon as the enemy started to pursue them and thus upset his battle formation, they deftly turned their horses and again made a friendly onslaught from as far as possible from all sides. Their closure consisted of shields woven from reeds and covered with leather, helmets and shells, also made of thick leather, while others were covered with iron scales. In addition, wars with more educated and wealthy peoples delivered to them a considerable amount of iron chain mail, helmets and all kinds of weapons, in which their governors and noble people put on. The tails of horses and wild buffalo fluttered on the banners of their chiefs. The chiefs usually did not enter the battle themselves and did not risk their lives (which could cause confusion), but controlled the battle, being somewhere on a hill, surrounded by their neighbors, servants and wives, of course, all on horseback.

The nomadic cavalry, having a decisive advantage over the settled peoples in the open field, met, however, an important obstacle for itself in the form of well-fortified cities. But the Mongols were already accustomed to cope with this obstacle, having learned the art of taking cities in the Chinese and Khovarezm empires. They also got wall-beating machines. They surrounded the usually besieged city with a rampart; and where there was a forest at hand, they fenced it with a fence, thus stopping the very possibility of communication between the city and its surroundings. Then they set up wall-beating machines, from which they threw large stones and logs, and sometimes incendiary substances; thus they produced fire and destruction in the city; they showered the defenders with a cloud of arrows or put up ladders and climbed the walls. In order to tire the garrison, they carried out attacks continuously day and night, for which fresh detachments constantly alternated with each other. If the barbarians learned to take large Asian cities, fortified with stone and clay walls, the easier they could destroy or burn the wooden walls of Russian cities. Crossing large rivers did not particularly hamper the Mongols. For this, large leather bags served them; they were tightly stuffed with a dress and other light things, tightly pulled together and, tied to the tail of the horses, were thus transported. One Persian historian of the 13th century, describing the Mongols, says: "They had the courage of a lion, the patience of a dog, the foresight of a crane, the cunning of a fox, the farsightedness of a crow, the rapacity of a wolf, the fighting heat of a rooster, the guardianship of a hen about its neighbors, the sensitivity of a cat and the violence of a boar when attacked" .

Russia before the Mongol-Tatar invasion

What could the ancient fragmented Russia oppose to this huge concentrated force?

The fight against nomads of Turkish-Tatar roots was already a common thing for her. After the first onslaughts of both the Pechenegs and the Polovtsy, the fragmented Russia then gradually got used to these enemies and gained the upper hand over them. However, she did not have time to throw them back to Asia or to subdue herself and return her former limits; although these nomads were also fragmented and also did not obey one authority, one will. What was the inequality in forces with the now approaching formidable Mongol-Tatar cloud!

In military courage and combat courage, the Russian squads, of course, were not inferior to the Mongol-Tatars; and in bodily strength they were undoubtedly superior. Moreover, Russia, no doubt, was better armed; its full armament of that time was not much different from the armament of the German and Western European in general. Between neighbors, she was even famous for her fight. So, regarding the campaign of Daniil Romanovich to help Konrad Mazovetsky against Vladislav the Old in 1229, the Volyn chronicler notes that Konrad "loved the Russian battle" and relied on Russian help more than on his Poles. But the princely squads, which constituted the military estate of Ancient Russia, were too few in number to repulse new enemies now pressing from the east; and the common people, if necessary, were recruited into the militia directly from the plow or from their trades, and although they were distinguished by their stamina, common to the entire Russian tribe, they did not have great skill in wielding weapons or making friendly, quick movements. One can, of course, blame our old princes for not understanding all the danger and all the disasters that threatened then from new enemies, and for not joining their forces for a united rebuff. But, on the other hand, we must not forget that where there was a long period of all sorts of disunity, rivalry and the development of regional isolation, there no human will, no genius could bring about a quick unification and concentration of people's forces. Such blessing comes only through the long and constant efforts of entire generations under circumstances that awaken in the people the consciousness of their national unity and the desire for their concentration. Ancient Russia did what was in its means and methods. Every land, almost every significant city, met the barbarians courageously and defended itself desperately, with hardly any hope of victory. It couldn't be otherwise. A great historical people does not yield to an external enemy without courageous resistance, even under the most unfavorable circumstances.

The invasion of the Mongol-Tatars in the Ryazan principality

At the beginning of the winter of 1237, the Tatars passed through the Mordovian forests and encamped on the banks of some river Onuza. From here, Batu sent to the Ryazan princes, according to the chronicle, "a sorceress wife" (probably a shaman) and with her two husbands, who demanded from the princes part of their estate in people and horses.

The senior prince, Yuri Igorevich, hastened to convene his relatives, the specific princes of Ryazan, Pronsk and Murom, to the diet. In the first burst of courage, the princes decided to defend themselves, and gave a noble answer to the ambassadors: "When we do not stay alive, then everything will be yours." From Ryazan, the Tatar ambassadors went to Vladimir with the same demands. Seeing that the Ryazan forces were too insignificant to fight the Mongols, Yuri Igorevich ordered this: he sent one of his nephews to the Grand Duke of Vladimir with a request to unite against common enemies; and sent another with the same request to Chernigov. Then the united Ryazan militia moved to the banks of Voronezh towards the enemy; but avoided the battle in anticipation of help. Yuri tried to resort to negotiations and sent his only son Theodore at the head of a solemn embassy to Batu with gifts and with a plea not to fight the Ryazan land. All these orders were unsuccessful. Theodore died in the Tatar camp: according to legend, he refused Batu's demand to bring him his beautiful wife Eupraxia and was killed on his orders. Help didn't come from anywhere. The princes of Chernigov-Seversky refused to come on the grounds that the Ryazan princes were not on the Kalka when they were also asked for help; probably, the people of Chernigov thought that the storm would not reach them, or that it was still very far from them. But the sluggish Yuri Vsevolodovich Vladimirsky hesitated and was also late with his help, as in the Kalki massacre. Seeing the impossibility of fighting the Tatars in the open field, the Ryazan princes hastened to retreat and took refuge with their squads behind the fortifications of the cities.

Following them, hordes of barbarians poured into the Ryazan land, and, according to their custom, engulfing it in a wide round-up, began to burn, destroy, rob, beat, capture, and desecrate women. There is no need to describe all the horrors of ruin. Suffice it to say that many villages and cities were completely wiped off the face of the earth; some of their well-known names are no longer found in history after that. By the way, after a century and a half, travelers sailing along the upper reaches of the Don, on its hilly banks, saw only ruins and deserted places where once flourishing cities and villages stood. The devastation of the Ryazan land was carried out with particular ferocity and ruthlessness, also because it was the first Russian region in this respect: the barbarians appeared in it, full of wild, unbridled energy, not yet satiated with Russian blood, not tired of destruction, not reduced in number. after countless battles. On December 16, the Tatars surrounded the capital city of Ryazan and surrounded it with a fence. The retinue and citizens, encouraged by the prince, repulsed the attacks for five days. They stood on the walls, not changing and not letting go of their weapons; finally they began to fail, while the enemy constantly acted with fresh forces. On the sixth day the Tatars made a general attack; threw fire on the roofs, smashed the walls with logs from their battering rams, and finally broke into the city. The usual beating of the inhabitants followed. Yuri Igorevich was among those killed. His wife and her relatives searched in vain for salvation in the cathedral church of Borisoglebsk. What could not be plundered became a victim of the flames. Ryazan legends adorn the stories of these disasters with some poetic details. So, Princess Evpraksia, having heard about the death of her husband Feodor Yuryevich, rushed from the high tower together with her little son to the ground and killed herself to death. And one of the Ryazan boyars named Evpatiy Kolovrat was on Chernigov land when the news of the Tatar pogrom came to him. He hurries to the fatherland, sees the ashes of his native city and is ignited by a thirst for revenge. Having gathered 1700 warriors, Evpaty attacks the rear detachments of the Tatars, overthrows their hero Tavrul, and finally, crushed by the crowd, dies with all his comrades. Batu and his soldiers are surprised at the extraordinary courage of the Ryazan knight. (With such stories, of course, the people comforted themselves in past disasters and defeats.) But next to examples of valor and love for the motherland, there were examples of treason and cowardice among the Ryazan boyars. The same legends point to a boyar who betrayed his homeland and turned himself over to his enemies. In each country, the Tatar military leaders were able, first of all, to find traitors; especially those were among the people captured, frightened by threats or seduced by caresses. From noble and ignoble traitors, the Tatars learned everything they needed about the state of the land, its weaknesses, the qualities of rulers, etc. These traitors also served as the best guides for the barbarians when moving in countries hitherto unknown to them.

Tatar invasion of Suzdal

The capture of Vladimir by the Mongol-Tatars. Russian chronicle miniature

From the Ryazan land, the barbarians moved to Suzdal, again in the same murderous order, enveloping this land in a round-up. Their main forces took the usual Suzdal-Ryazan route to Kolomna and Moscow. Only then did the Suzdal army meet them, going to the aid of the Ryazan people, under the command of the young prince Vsevolod Yuryevich and the old governor Yeremey Glebovich. Near Kolomna, the Grand Duke's army was utterly defeated; Vsevolod fled with the remnants of the Vladimir squad; and Yeremey Glebovich fell in battle. Kolomna was taken and destroyed. Then the barbarians burned Moscow, the first Suzdal city from this side. Another son of the Grand Duke, Vladimir, and the governor Philip Nyanka were in charge here. The latter also fell in battle, and the young prince was captured. With what speed the barbarians acted during their invasion, with the same slowness military gatherings took place in Northern Russia at that time. With modern weapons, Yuri Vsevolodovich could put into the field all the forces of Suzdal and Novgorod in conjunction with Muromo-Ryazan. There would be enough time for these preparations. More than a year later, fugitives from Kama Bulgaria found refuge with him, who brought news of the devastation of their land and the movement of terrible Tatar hordes. But instead of modern preparations, we see that the barbarians were already moving to the capital itself, when Yuri, having lost the best part of the army, defeated in parts, went further north to gather the Zemstvo army and call for help from his brothers. In the capital, the Grand Duke left his sons, Vsevolod and Mstislav, with the governor Peter Oslyadyukovich; and he left with a small squad. On the way, he attached to himself three nephews of Konstantinovich, the specific princes of Rostov, with their militia. With the army that he managed to gather, Yuri settled down behind the Volga almost on the border of his possessions, on the banks of the City, the right tributary of the Mologa, where he began to wait for his brothers, Svyatoslav Yuryevsky and Yaroslav Pereyaslavsky. The first actually managed to come to him; and the second did not appear; Yes, he could hardly have appeared on time: we know that at that time he occupied the great Kyiv table.

In early February, the main Tatar army surrounded capital Vladimir. A crowd of barbarians approached the Golden Gate; the citizens met them with arrows. "Do not shoot!" shouted the Tatars. Several horsemen rode up to the very gates with a prisoner, and asked: "Do you recognize your prince Vladimir?" Vsevolod and Mstislav, who were standing on the Golden Gate, together with those around them, immediately recognized their brother, captured in Moscow, and were stricken with grief at the sight of his pale, dejected face. They were eager to free him, and only the old governor Pyotr Oslyadyukovich kept them from a useless desperate sortie. Having placed their main camp against the Golden Gate, the barbarians cut down trees in the neighboring groves and surrounded the whole city with a fence; then they installed their "vices", or wall-beating machines, and began to smash the fortifications. The princes, princesses and some boyars, no longer hoping for salvation, accepted monastic vows from Bishop Mitrofan and prepared for death. On February 8, the day of the martyr Theodore Stratilates, the Tatars made a decisive attack. According to a sign, or brushwood thrown into the ditch, they climbed the city rampart at the Golden Gate and entered the new, or outer, city. At the same time, from the side of Lybid, they broke into it through the Copper and Irininsky gates, and from the Klyazma through the Volga. The outer city was taken and set on fire. Princes Vsevolod and Mstislav with a retinue retired to the Cave City, i.e. to the Kremlin. And Bishop Mitrofan with the Grand Duchess, her daughters, daughters-in-law, grandchildren and many boyars locked themselves in the cathedral church of the Mother of God on the shelves, or choirs. When the remnants of the squad with both princes died and the Kremlin was taken, the Tatars broke down the doors of the cathedral church, plundered it, took expensive vessels, crosses, robes on icons, salaries on books; then they dragged wood into the church and near the church, and set it on fire. The bishop and the entire princely family, who had hidden in the choir stalls, perished in smoke and flames. Other temples and monasteries in Vladimir were also looted and partly burned; many residents were beaten.

Already during the siege of Vladimir, the Tatars took and burned Suzdal. Then their detachments scattered across the Suzdal land. Some went north, took Yaroslavl and captivated the Volga region to the very Galich Mersky; others plundered Yuriev, Dmitrov, Pereyaslavl, Rostov, Volokolamsk, Tver; during February, up to 14 cities were taken, in addition to many "settlements and graveyards".

Battle of the River City

Meanwhile, Georgy [Yuri] Vsevolodovich was still standing in the City and waiting for his brother Yaroslav. Then terrible news came to him about the ruin of the capital and the death of the princely family, about the capture of other cities and the approach of the Tatar hordes. He sent a detachment of three thousand men for reconnaissance. But the scouts soon ran back with the news that the Tatars were already bypassing the Russian army. As soon as the Grand Duke, his brothers Ivan and Svyatoslav and nephews mounted their horses and began to organize regiments, the Tatars, led by Burundai, hit Russia from different sides, on March 4, 1238. The battle was cruel; but the majority of the Russian army, recruited from farmers and artisans unaccustomed to battle, soon mixed up and fled. Here Georgy Vsevolodovich himself fell; his brothers fled, and his nephews also, with the exception of the eldest, Vasilko Konstantinovich of Rostov. He was taken prisoner. Tatar military leaders persuaded him to accept their customs and fight the Russian land along with them. The prince firmly refused to be a traitor. The Tatars killed him and left him in some Sherensky forest, near which they temporarily encamped. On this occasion, the northern chronicler showers praises on Vasilko; says that he was handsome in face, smart, courageous and very kind-hearted ("light in heart"). “Whoever served him, ate his bread and drank his cup, could no longer be in the service of another prince,” adds the chronicler. Bishop Kirill of Rostov, who escaped during the invasion to the remote city of his diocese, Belozersk, on his return, found the body of the Grand Duke, deprived of his head; then he took the body of Vasilko, brought it to Rostov and laid it in the cathedral church of the Virgin. Subsequently, the head of George was also found and placed in his coffin.

Batu's movement towards Novgorod

While one part of the Tatars moved to the Sit against the Grand Duke, the other reached the Novgorod suburb of Torzhok and laid siege to it. The citizens, led by their posadnik Ivank, courageously defended themselves; for a whole two weeks the barbarians shook the walls with their weapons and made constant attacks. In vain the innovators waited for help from Novgorod; at last they were exhausted; On March 5, the Tatars took the city and devastated it terribly. From here, their hordes moved on and went to Veliky Novgorod by the famous Seliger route, devastating the country to the right and left. They had already reached the "Ignach Cross" (Kresttsy?) and were only a hundred miles from Novgorod, when they suddenly turned south. This sudden retreat, however, was quite natural under the circumstances of the time. Having grown up on high planes and on the mountainous plains of Central Asia, characterized by a harsh climate and inconstancy of weather, the Mongol-Tatars were accustomed to cold and snow and could quite easily endure the northern Russian winter. But accustomed also to a dry climate, they were afraid of dampness and soon fell ill from it; their horses, for all their hardiness, after the dry steppes of Asia, also had difficulty enduring swampy countries and wet food. Spring was approaching in Northern Russia with all its predecessors, i.e. snowmelt and flooding of rivers and swamps. Along with diseases and horse death, a terrible mudslide threatened; the hordes overtaken by her could find themselves in a very difficult position; the beginning of the thaw could clearly show them what awaited them. Perhaps they also found out about the preparations of the Novgorodians for a desperate defense; the siege could delay another few weeks. In addition, there is an opinion, not without the possibility that a round-up took place here, and Batu, lately, has found it inconvenient to draw up a new one.

Temporary retreat of the Mongol-Tatars to the Polovtsian steppe

During the return movement to the steppe, the Tatars devastated the eastern part of the Smolensk land and the Vyatichi region. Of the cities they devastated at the same time, the chronicles mention only one Kozelsk, because of its heroic defense. The specific prince here was one of the Chernigov Olgovichi, the young Vasily. His warriors, together with the citizens, decided to defend themselves to the last man and did not give in to any flattering persuasion of the barbarians.

Batu, according to the chronicle, stood under this city for seven weeks and lost many killed. Finally, the Tatars smashed the wall with their cars and broke into the city; and here the citizens continued to defend themselves desperately and cut themselves with knives until they were all beaten, and their young prince seemed to have drowned in blood. For such a defense, the Tatars, as usual, called Kozelsk "an evil city." Then Batu completed the enslavement of the Polovtsian hordes. Their chief khan Kotyan, with part of the people, retired to Hungary, and there he received land for settlement from King Bela IV, under the condition of baptism of the Polovtsy. Those who remained in the steppes were to unconditionally submit to the Mongols and increase their hordes. From the Polovtsian steppes, Batu sent detachments, on the one hand, to conquer the Azov and Caucasian countries, and on the other, to enslave Chernigov-Severskaya Rus. By the way, the Tatars took South Pereyaslavl, plundered and destroyed the cathedral church of Michael there and killed Bishop Simeon. Then they went to Chernigov. Mstislav Glebovich Rylsky, a cousin of Mikhail Vsevolodovich, came to the aid of the latter and courageously defended the city. The Tatars placed throwing weapons from the walls at a distance of one and a half flights of arrows and threw such stones that four people could hardly lift. Chernigov was taken, plundered and burned. Bishop Porfiry, who was captured, was left alive and set free. In the winter of the following year, 1239, Batu sent detachments to the north in order to complete the conquest of the Mordovian land. From here they went to the Murom region and burned Murom. Then they fought again on the Volga and Klyazma; on the first one they took Gorodets Radilov, and on the second - the city of Gorokhovets, which, as you know, was the property of the Assumption Vladimir Cathedral. This new invasion caused a terrible commotion throughout the entire Suzdal land. The survivors of the previous pogrom abandoned their houses and ran wherever their eyes looked; mostly fled to the forests.

Mongol-Tatar invasion of South Russia

Having finished with the strongest part of Russia, i.e. with the great reign of Vladimir, having rested in the steppes and fattened their horses, the Tatars now turned to Southwestern, Zadneprovskaya Russia, and from here they decided to go further, to Hungary and Poland.

Already during the ruin of Pereyaslavl Russian and Chernigov, one of the Tatar detachments, led by Batu's cousin, Mengu Khan, approached Kyiv in order to find out about its position and means of defense. Stopping on the left side of the Dnieper, in the town of Pesochny, Mengu, according to the legend of our chronicle, admired the beauty and grandeur of the ancient Russian capital, which picturesquely towered on the coastal hills, shining with white walls and gilded domes of its temples. The Mongol prince tried to persuade the citizens to surrender; but they did not want to hear about it and even killed the messengers. At that time, Mikhail Vsevolodovich Chernigovskiy owned Kyiv. Although Mengu is gone; but there was no doubt that he would return with great strength. Mikhail did not consider it convenient for himself to wait for the Tatar thunderstorm, cowardly left Kyiv and retired to Ugria. Soon after, the capital city passed into the hands of Daniil Romanovich Volynsky and Galitsky. However, this famous prince, with all his courage and the vastness of his possessions, did not appear for the personal defense of Kyiv from the barbarians, but entrusted it to the thousandth Demetrius.

In the winter of 1240, an innumerable Tatar force crossed the Dnieper, surrounded Kyiv and fenced it in. Here was Batu himself with his brothers, relatives and cousins, as well as his best governors Subudai-Bagadur and Burundai. The Russian chronicler vividly depicts the vastness of the Tatar hordes, saying that the inhabitants of the city could not hear each other from the creak of their carts, the roar of camels and the neighing of horses. The Tatars focused their main attacks on that part that had the least strong position, i.e. on the western side, from which some jungle and almost flat fields adjoined the city. Wall-beating guns, especially concentrated against the Lyadsky Gate, beat the wall day and night until they made a breach. The most stubborn slaughter took place, "spear crowbar and shield skepanie"; clouds of arrows darkened the light. The enemies finally broke into the city. The people of Kiev, with a heroic, albeit hopeless defense, supported the ancient glory of the capital city of Russia. They gathered around the Church of the Tithes of the Mother of God and then at night hastily fenced off with fortifications. The next day, this last stronghold also fell. Many citizens with families and property sought salvation in the choirs of the temple; the choirs could not bear the weight and collapsed. This capture of Kyiv took place on December 6, on Nikolin's very day. Desperate defense hardened the barbarians; sword and fire spared nothing; the inhabitants are mostly beaten up, and the majestic city has turned into one huge heap of ruins. Thousand Dimitry, captured wounded, Batu, however, left alive "for the sake of his courage."

Having devastated the Kyiv land, the Tatars moved to Volyn and Galicia, took and ruined many cities, including the capitals of Vladimir and Galich. Only some places, perfectly fortified by nature and people, they could not take in battle, for example, Kolodyazhen and Kremenets; but they still took possession of the first, persuading the inhabitants to surrender with flattering promises; and then treacherously beat them. During this invasion, part of the population of Southern Russia fled to distant countries; many took refuge in caves, forests and wilds.

Among the owners of South-Western Russia there were those who, at the very appearance of the Tatars, submitted to them in order to save their destinies from ruin. This is what the Bolohovskys did. It is curious that Batu spared their land on the condition that its inhabitants sow wheat and millet for the Tatar army. It is also remarkable that Southern Russia, compared with Northern Russia, offered much weaker resistance to the barbarians. In the north, the senior princes, Ryazan and Vladimir, having gathered the forces of their land, bravely entered into an unequal struggle with the Tatars and died with weapons in their hands. And in the south, where the princes have long been famous for their military prowess, we see a different course of action. The senior princes, Mikhail Vsevolodovich, Daniil and Vasilko Romanovich, with the approach of the Tatars, leave their lands to seek refuge either in Ugria or in Poland. It was as if the princes of Southern Russia had the determination to fight back only at the first invasion of the Tatars, and the Battle of Kalka brought such fear to them that its participants, then still young princes, and now older ones, are afraid of a new meeting with wild barbarians; they leave their cities to defend themselves alone and perish in an unbearable struggle. It is also remarkable that these senior South Russian princes continue their feuds and settlements for volosts at the very time when the barbarians are already advancing on their ancestral lands.

Tatar campaign in Poland

After South-Western Russia came the turn of neighboring Western countries, Poland and Ugria [Hungary]. Already during his stay in Volhynia and Galicia, Batu, as usual, sent detachments to Poland and the Carpathians, wanting to explore the paths and position of those countries. According to the legend of our chronicle, the aforementioned governor Dimitry, in order to save South-Western Russia from complete devastation, tried to speed up the further campaign of the Tatars and said to Batu: "Do not delay long in this land; it is already time for you to go to the Ugrians; and if you delay, then there they will have time to gather strength and will not let you into their lands." And without that, the Tatar leaders had the custom not only to obtain all the necessary information before the campaign, but also to prevent any concentration of large forces with quick, cunningly conceived movements.

The same Dimitry and other South Russian boyars could tell Batu a lot about the political state of their western neighbors, whom they often visited together with their princes, who were often related to both Polish and Ugric sovereigns. And this state was likened to fragmented Russia and was very conducive to the successful invasion of the barbarians. In Italy and Germany at that time, the struggle between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines was in full swing. On the throne of the Holy Roman Empire sat the famous grandson of Barbarossa, Frederick II. The aforementioned struggle completely diverted his attention, and in the very era of the Tatar invasion, he was diligently engaged in military operations in Italy against the supporters of Pope Gregory IX. Poland, being fragmented into specific principalities, just like Russia, could not act unanimously and present serious resistance to the impending horde. In this era, we see here the two oldest and most powerful princes, namely, Konrad of Mazovia and Henry the Pious, ruler of Lower Silesia. They were on hostile terms with each other; moreover, Konrad, already known for his short-sighted policy (especially for calling the Germans to defend his land from the Prussians), was the least capable of a friendly, energetic course of action. Henry the Pious was in a family relationship with the Czech king Wenceslas I and with the Ugric Bela IV. In view of the impending danger, he invited the Czech king to meet the enemies with a common force; but did not receive timely help from him. In the same way, Daniil Romanovich had long persuaded the Ugric king to unite with Russia to repulse the barbarians, and also unsuccessfully. The Kingdom of Hungary at that time was one of the most powerful and richest states in the whole of Europe; his possessions stretched from the Carpathians to the Adriatic Sea. The conquest of such a kingdom should have been especially attractive to the Tatar leaders. They say that even during his stay in Russia, Batu sent ambassadors to the Ugric king demanding tribute and obedience and reproaching them for accepting the Kotyan Polovtsy, whom the Tatars considered their fugitive slaves. But the arrogant Magyars either did not believe in the invasion of their land, or considered themselves strong enough to repel this invasion. With his own sluggish, inactive character, Bela IV was distracted by various other disorders of his state, especially feuds with recalcitrant magnates. These latter, by the way, were dissatisfied with the establishment of the Polovtsy, who carried out robberies and violence, and did not even think of leaving their steppe habits.

At the end of 1240 and the beginning of 1241, the Tatar hordes left Southwestern Russia and moved on. The campaign was maturely thought out and arranged. Batu himself led the main forces through the Carpathian passages directly to Hungary, which now constituted his immediate goal. On both sides, special armies were sent in advance to cover Ugria with a huge avalanche and cut off all help from its neighbors. On the left hand, in order to get around it from the south, the son of Ogodai Kadan and the governor Subudai-Bagadur went by different roads through Sedmigradia and Wallachia. And on the right hand moved another cousin of Batu, Baydar, the son of Jagatai. He went along Lesser Poland and Silesia and began to burn their cities and villages. In vain some Polish princes and governors tried to resist in the open field; they suffered defeat in an unequal battle; and for the most part died the death of the brave. Among the devastated cities were Sudomir, Krakow and Breslavl. At the same time, separate Tatar detachments spread their devastation far into the depths of Mazovia and Greater Poland. Henry the Pious managed to prepare a significant army; received the help of the Teutonic, or Prussian, knights and waited for the Tatars near the city of Liegnitz. Baidarkhan gathered his scattered detachments and attacked this army. The battle was very hard; unable to break the Polish and German knights, the Tatars, according to the chroniclers, resorted to cunning and embarrassed the enemies with a deftly launched call through their ranks: "Run, run!" The Christians were defeated, and Henry himself died a heroic death. From Silesia Baydar went through Moravia to Hungary to connect with Batu. Moravia was then part of the Czech kingdom, and Wenceslas entrusted the defense of it to the courageous governor Yaroslav from Sternberk. Ruining everything in their path, the Tatars, among other things, laid siege to the city of Olomouc, where Yaroslav himself locked himself; but here they failed; the governor even managed to make a happy sortie and inflict some damage on the barbarians. But this failure could not have had a significant impact on the overall course of events.

Mongol-Tatar invasion of Hungary

Meanwhile, the main Tatar forces were moving through the Carpathians. Detachments with axes sent forward partly cut down, partly burned those forest notches, with which Bela IV ordered to block the passages; their little military cover was dispersed. Having crossed the Carpathians, the Tatar horde poured into the plains of Hungary and began to brutally devastate them; and the Ugrian king was still sitting at the diet in Buda, where he conferred with his obstinate nobles about measures of defense. Having dissolved the Sejm, he now only began to gather an army, with which he locked himself in Pest adjacent to Buda. After a vain siege of this city, Batu retreated. Bela followed him with an army that had risen to 100,000 men. In addition to some magnates and bishops, his younger brother Koloman, the ruler of Slavonia and Croatia (the same one who reigned in Galich in his youth, from where he was expelled by Mstislav the Udaly), came to his aid. This army was carelessly stationed on the banks of the Shaio River, and here it was unexpectedly surrounded by the hordes of Batu. The Magyars succumbed to panic and crowded in confusion in their cramped camp, not daring to join the battle. Only a few brave leaders, including Koloman, left the camp with their detachments and, after a desperate fight, managed to break through. All the rest of the army is destroyed; the king was among those who managed to escape. After that, the Tatars unhindered the whole summer of 1241 raged in Eastern Hungary; and with the onset of winter they crossed over to the other side of the Danube and devastated its western part. At the same time, special Tatar detachments also actively pursued the Ugric king Bela, as before the Sultan of Khorezm Mohammed. Fleeing from them from one region to another, Bela reached the extreme limits of the Ugric possessions, i.e. to the shores of the Adriatic Sea and, like Mahomet, also escaped from his pursuers to one of the islands closest to the coast, where he remained until the storm passed. For more than a year, the Tatars stayed in the Kingdom of Hungary, devastating it up and down, beating the inhabitants, turning them into slavery.

Finally, in July 1242, Batu gathered his scattered detachments, burdened with innumerable booty, and, leaving Hungary, sent his way back along the Danube valley through Bulgaria and Wallachia to the southern Russian steppes. The main reason for the return campaign was the news of the death of Ogodai and the accession to the supreme khan's throne of his son Gayuk. This latter left the hordes of Batu even earlier and was not on friendly terms with him at all. It was necessary to provide for their family those countries that fell to the lot of Jochi under the partition of Genghis Khan. But besides being too far away from their steppes and threatening disagreements between the Genghisides, there were, of course, other reasons that prompted the Tatars to return to the east, without consolidating the subjugation of Poland and Ugria. With all their successes, the Tatar commanders realized that their further stay in Hungary or the movement to the west was not safe. Although the emperor Frederick II was still fond of the struggle against the papacy in Italy, however, in Germany, a crusade against the Tatars was preached everywhere; German princes made military preparations everywhere and actively fortified their cities and castles. These stone fortifications were no longer as easy to take as the wooden cities of Eastern Europe. The Western European chivalry, clad in iron, experienced in military affairs, also did not promise an easy victory. Already during their stay in Hungary, the Tatars more than once suffered various setbacks and, in order to defeat the enemies, they often had to resort to their military tricks, which are: a false retreat from a besieged city or a feigned flight in an open battle, false agreements and promises, even fake letters, addressed to the inhabitants as if on behalf of the Ugric king, etc. During the siege of cities and castles in Ugria, the Tatars spared their own forces very much; and more used by the crowds of captured Russians, Polovtsy and the Hungarians themselves, who, under the threat of beatings, were sent to fill up ditches, make tunnels, go on an attack. Finally, the most neighboring countries, with the exception of the Middle Danube Plain, due to the mountainous, rugged nature of their surface, already presented little convenience for the steppe cavalry.

One of the most tragic events in Russian history was the Mongol-Tatar invasion of Russia led by the grandson of Genghis Khan - Batu. Until a certain time, no one imagined that the tribes of the nomadic people, once considered wild, would unite and begin to pose a serious threat to everyone. The Mongols themselves had no idea that they would soon gain power over one part of the world, and the other part would pay tribute to them.

Historiography about the Mongol-Tatar invasion

Russian historians began to study in detail the campaigns led by Batu to Russian lands from the 18th century. Not only scientists, but even writers tried to tell their version of these events in their writings. Among the people involved in the study of the Mongol invasions, the works of the following scholars are most famous:

• The well-known historian V. N. Tatishchev in his book “Russian History” for the first time considered in detail the topic of the invasion of the Mongol-Tatars. In his work, Tatishchev took the Old Russian chronicles as a basis. In the future, the work itself and the conclusions made by the author were used by many historians in their works.
• N.M. Karamzin, the writer, studied the invasion just as intently. Emotionally describing the conquest of Russian lands by tumens (large tactical units of the Mongol army), Karamzin concluded why the Mongol invasion is the main reason, and not the second (secondary) backwardness of Russia compared to the advanced European countries. Karamzin was the first among researchers to consider this invasion a separate page of historical heritage.

During the 19th century, researchers paid more and more attention to the issues of Batu's invasion of Russia. The phrase "Mongol-Tatars", which appeared in 1823, scientific circles owe P. N. Naumov. In subsequent years, historians focused their attention on the military details of the invasion, namely, on the strategy and tactics of the Mongol army.

The topic was considered in the book by M. S. Gastev “Discourse on the reasons that slowed down civil education in the Russian state”, published in 1832. The work of M. Ivanin “On the art of war and the conquests of the Mongols”, published in 1846, is devoted to the same issue. I. Berezin, a professor at the University of Kazan, made a significant contribution to the study of the Mongol invasions. The scientist studied many sources not considered until that time. The data taken by him from the works of the authors of the East Juvaini, Rashid ad-Din, were applied in the works of Berezin: “The first invasion of the Mongols on Russia”, “Invasion of Batu on Russia”.

The Russian historian also made his own interpretation of those events. S. M. Solovyov. In contrast to the views expressed by N. M. Karamzin and the Russian orientalist Kh. D. Fren about the strong impact of the Mongol invasion on the life of Russia, he was of the opinion that this event had an insignificant impact on the life of the Russian principalities. The same point of view was held by V. Klyuchevsky, M. Pokrovsky, A. Presnyakov, S. Platonov and other researchers. In the 19th century, the Mongolian theme becomes an important stage in Russian history, studying the period of the Middle Ages.

How did the unification of the Mongol-Tatars begin?

Three decades before the invasion of the territory of Russia near the Onon River, an army was formed from among the feudal lords, their warriors, arriving from different parts of the Mongolian steppe. The association was headed by the supreme ruler Temujin.

The All-Mongolian congress of the local nobility (kurultai) in 1206 proclaimed him the great Kagan - the highest title of nomads - and named him Genghis Khan. He gathered under his command many tribes of nomads. This association put an end to internecine wars, led to the formation of a stable economic base on the path of development of a new emerging state.

But despite the favorable circumstances and prospects, the authorities turned the people they ruled towards war and conquest. The result of such a policy in 1211 was the Chinese campaign, and a little later an invasion of Russian lands was made. The Mongol invasion itself, its causes, course, and consequences have been studied and analyzed many times by various researchers: from historians to writers. The main reason that caused the repeated campaigns of the Tatar-Mongols in other countries was the desire for easy money, the ruin of other peoples.

In those days, the cultivation of local breeds of livestock brought little profit, so it was decided to enrich themselves by robbing people living in neighboring countries. The organizer of the tribal association - Genghis Khan was a brilliant commander. Under his leadership, the conquest of Northern China, Central Asia, the steppes from the Caspian Sea to the Pacific Ocean took place. Own territories, large in area, did not stop the army: new conquest campaigns were planned on foreign lands.

Reasons for the success of the Mongolian army

The main reason for the victories won by the Mongols was the superiority of their military strength, thanks to a well-trained and organized army, its iron discipline.. The army was distinguished by maneuverability, the ability to quickly overcome considerable distances, since it mainly consisted of cavalry. Bows and arrows were used as weapons. In China, the Mongols borrowed weapons that made it possible to successfully attack a large enemy fortress.

The success of the Mongol-Tatars was accompanied by a well-thought-out strategy of action, the political inability of the conquered cities and countries to offer worthy resistance to the enemy. The tactical actions of the Mongol-Tatars consisted in a surprise attack, creating fragmentation in the ranks of the enemy and further destroying it. Thanks to the chosen strategy, they were able to maintain influence in the territories of the occupied lands for a long time.

First conquests

The years 1222−1223 were inscribed in history as the period of the first wave of conquests, which began with an invasion of the Eastern European steppes. The main troops of the Mongols, led by the talented and cruel commanders Jebe and Subedei, beloved by Genghis Khan, set off in 1223 on a campaign against the Polovtsians.

Those, in order to expel the enemy, decided to seek help from the Russian princes. The combined troops of both sides moved towards the enemy, crossed the Dnieper River and headed towards the East.

The Mongols, under the guise of a retreat, were able to lure the Russian-Polovtsian army to the banks of the Kalka River. Here the soldiers met in a decisive battle on May 31. There was no unity in the squads of the coalition, there were constant disputes between the princes. Some of them did not participate in the battle at all. The logical outcome of this battle was the complete defeat of the Russian-Polovtsian army. However, after the victory, the Mongol troops did not set off to conquer the Russian lands due to the lack of sufficient forces for this.

After 4 years (in 1227), Genghis Khan died. He wanted his tribesmen to rule the world. The decision to start a new aggressive campaign against European lands was made by Kurultai in 1235. Batu, the grandson of Genghis Khan, stood at the head of the cavalry.

Stages of the invasion of Russia

The army of the Mongol-Tatars twice invaded the Russian land:

• Campaign to the North-East of Russia.
• Campaign to South Russia.

First, in 1236, the Mongols ravaged the Volga Bulgaria, a state that at that time occupied the territory of the middle Volga region and the Kama basin, and went towards the Don to conquer once again the Polovtsian lands. In December 1937, the Polovtsians were defeated. Then Batu Khan invaded northeastern Russia. The path of the troops lay through the Ryazan principality.

Mongol campaigns in 1237-1238

Events in Russia began to develop precisely in these years. At the head of the cavalry, consisting of 150 thousand people, was Batu, with him was Subedei, who knew Russian soldiers from previous battles. The cavalry of the Mongols, conquering all the cities along the way, quickly moved across the country, as evidenced by the map, reflecting the direction of the movement of the Mongols on Russian soil.

Ryazan kept the siege for six days, was destroyed and fell at the end of 1237. The army of Batu went to conquer the northern lands, especially Vladimir. On the way, the Mongols ravaged the city of Kolomna, where Prince Yuri Vsevolodovich and his retinue tried in vain to detain the enemies and were defeated. The siege of Moscow lasted 4 days. The city fell in January 1238.

The battle for Vladimir began in February 1238. The prince of Vladimir, ruling the city, tried in vain to organize a militia and repulse the enemies. The siege of Vladimir lasted 8 days, and then, as a result of the assault, the city was taken. He was set on fire. With the fall of Vladimir, virtually all the lands of the eastern and northern directions passed to Batu.

He took the city of Tver and Yuriev, Suzdal and Pereslavl. Then the army split up: some Mongols came to the Sit River, others began the siege of Torzhok. On the City, the Mongols won on March 4, 1238, defeating the Russian squads. Their further goal was to attack Novgorod, but a hundred miles from it they turned back.

Foreigners ravaged all the cities they entered, but suddenly they met a persistent rebuff from the city of Kozelsky. The townspeople fought off enemy attacks for a long seven weeks. Yet the city was defeated. Khan called it an evil city, destroying it in the end. Thus ended the first campaign of Batu to Russia.

Invasion 1239-1242

After a break that lasted more than a year, the Russian lands were again attacked by the Mongol army. In the spring of 1239, Batu went on a campaign to the south of Russia. It began with the fall of Pereyaslav in March and Chernigov in October.

The slow advance of the Mongols was explained by the simultaneous active struggle against the Polovtsians. In September 1940, the enemy army approached Kyiv, which belonged to Prince Galitsky. The siege of the city began.

For three months, the people of Kiev fought, trying to repel the onslaught of the enemy. Only through colossal losses on December 6 did the Mongols take possession of the city. The enemies acted with unprecedented brutality. The capital of Russia was destroyed almost completely. According to chronology, the completion of the conquests and the establishment of the Mongol-Tatar yoke (1240−1480) in Russia are associated with the date of the capture of Kyiv. Then the enemy army split in two: one part decided to capture Vladimir-Volynsky, the other was going to strike at Galich.

After the fall of these cities, by the beginning of the spring of 1241, the Mongol army was on its way to Europe. But huge losses forced the invaders to return to the Lower Volga region. The warriors of Batu did not dare to start a new campaign, and Europe felt relieved. In fact, the Mongol army was dealt a serious blow by the fierce resistance of the Russian lands.

The results of the Mongol invasion of Russian lands

After enemy raids, the Russian land was torn to pieces. Foreigners destroyed and ruined some cities, only ashes remained from others. The inhabitants of the defeated cities were captured by the enemies. In the west of the Mongol Empire in 1243 Batu organized the Golden Horde, the Grand Duchy. There were no captured Russian territories in its composition.

The Mongols put Russia in vassalage, but could not enslave. The subordination of the Russian lands to the Golden Horde was manifested in the annual obligation to pay tribute. In addition, the Russian princes could rule the cities only after they were approved for this position by the Golden Horde Khan. The Horde yoke hung over Russia for two long centuries.

According to the official version of historians, the definition of the consequences of the Mongol-Tatar invasion of Russia is briefly as follows:

• Deep dependence of Russia on the Golden Horde.
• Annual payment of tribute to invaders.
• The complete lack of development of the country due to the establishment of the yoke.

The essence of such views lies in the fact that the Mongol-Tatar yoke was then to blame for all the problems of Russia. A different point of view was held by the historian L. N. Gumilyov. He gave his arguments, pointed out some inconsistencies in the historical interpretation of the Mongol invasion of Russia. Until now, there are disputes about what impact the Mongol yoke had on the country, what were the relations between the Horde and Russia, what this event turned out to be for the country. One thing is certain: it played a significant role in the life of Russia.

Every cultured person should know the history of his people, especially since it is periodically repeated. The cyclic nature of history has been proven and argued. Therefore, it is important to know what happened in the native land, how it affected economically.

Unfortunately, history has often been changed or rewritten, so it is no longer possible to find out reliable facts. Let's talk briefly about the most important thing in the Mongol-Tatar invasion of Russia and its consequences in the formation of the state. The article briefly outlines the most important events of those times. Where to find all the nuances, we will tell at the end of the article.

Mongol-Tatar yoke

In 1206, Genghis Khan was recognized as the ruler by all the Mongols. He was a rather talented leader, as in a short time he assembled a strong, invincible army. The army conquered the East (China and neighboring countries), and then rushed to Russia.

On May 31, 1223, a terrible, crushing battle took place on the Kalka River, in which the united army of the South Russian and Polovtsian princes was defeated. However, a year later, Genghis Khan died, and his eldest son Jochi also died. As a result, until 1236 there was neither a rumor nor a spirit about the Mongols in Russia. However, soon Batu decided to continue to implement his grandfather's plan and conquer the same land from sea to sea (from the Pacific Ocean to the Atlantic)

As soon as the thousands of troops of the Golden Horde set foot on Russian soil, pogroms and devastation of the land began. The Horde immediately began to burn villages and kill civilians. After the pogroms, only ashes remained, instead of cities or villages. Thus began the Mongol invasion of Russia.

Looking at the historical map for grade 10, you can see that the Mongol army reached Poland, the Czech Republic, and then stopped, settled in place. Russian princes received charters allowing them to manage their estates.

In fact, the country continued to live its normal life, but now it was necessary to regularly pay tribute to the khan. Throughout the entire period of subjugation to the Golden Horde, there are several significant events. One of the key is. The official end of the Mongol-Tatar yoke dates back to 1480. More about the dates of the beginning and end of this historical phenomenon.

Reasons for the capture of Russia

The main reason for the spread of the power of the Horde was that the Russian principalities were disunited. Each of them pursued their own interests. This led to division, there was no single strong army.

The conquerors, on the other hand, had a fairly large army, which was equipped with the best weapons, which they borrowed, including from Northern China. The Mongols also had sufficient experience in conquering lands.

In the army of the Horde, each soldier was brought up from childhood, so their discipline and skill were at a high level. It was not difficult for the Mongols to get Russian lands.

Stages of the Mongol invasion:

Campaigns of Batu

• 1236 - the conquest of the Volga Bulgaria.

The first campaign of Batu December 1237 to April 1238

• In December 1237, a victory was made over the Polovtsians near the Don.
• Later, the Ryazan principality fell. After six days of assault, Ryazan was wrecked.
• Then the Mongol army destroyed Kolomna with Moscow.
• In February 1238, Vladimir was besieged. The prince of this city tried to adequately repulse the armyBatu, but four days later the city was taken by storm. Vladimir was burned, and the prince's family burned alive in their shelter.
• In March 1238, the Mongols changed tactics, they were divided into several detachments. Part went to the river Sit, and the rest to Torzhok. Before reaching Novgorod, the army of the Mongol-Tatars turned back, but in the city of Kozelsk they met strong resistance. The townspeople bravely resisted the army for seven weeks, but were soon defeated. The invaders razed the city to the ground.

The second campaign of Batu 1239 - 1240

• In the spring of 1239, the Mongol-Tatar army reached the southern part of Russia. Pereslavl was defeated in March.
• Then Chernigov fell.

In the autumn of 1240, the main forces of Batu's army began the siege of Kyiv. However, under the wise guidanceDaniil Romanovich Galitsky, for about three months the Mongol army managed to be held. The conquering troops still captured the city, but suffered heavy losses.

In the spring of 1241, Batu's army was about to march on Europe, but turned towards the Lower Volga. The army no longer dared to make new campaigns.

Effects

The territory of Russia was completely devastated. Cities were plundered or burned, the inhabitants were taken prisoner. Not all cities were restored after the invasion. The captured Russian territories were not included in the Golden Horde. However, tribute had to be paid annually.

Khan had the right to leave control to the Russian princes, giving them his letters-labels. The development of the economy and culture of Russia slowed down significantly. This happened due to destruction, pogroms, a reduction in the number of craftsmen or artisans.

Given the century in which these events occurred, we can conclude that the development of the Russian state lags significantly behind European countries. Economically, the country was thrown back several hundred years ago. This was reflected in the further history of the country.

The Mongol yoke - fact or fiction?

Some literate scholars believe that the Mongol-Tatar yoke is just a myth. They believe that it was invented for a specific purpose.

It is impossible to imagine that the Mongols, who were accustomed to living in a warm environment, could withstand the harsh Russian winters well. It is interesting that the Mongols themselves learned about the Tatar-Mongol yoke from Europeans. The theory, archaeological data and conjectures say that something completely different could be hidden behind the Mongol-Tatar invasion.

For example, the mathematician Fomenko claimed that the Mongol yoke was invented in the 18th century. But this is all in the realm of fantasy. The city of Sarai-batu is currently an archaeological site and it is safe to say that there was a Mongol yoke.

True, the assessment of this yoke is very different for all historians. For example, academician Lev Gumilyov argued that the yoke is not a decline, but rather a cultural dialogue, a symbiosis of Russian Orthodox and Mongolian civilization, that the Mongols, they say, enriched Russian culture. This does not take into account the obvious campaigns of the Mongol troops against Russia as a punishment for the uprisings.

History says that Russia fought many wars and battles. There was an invasion of the Crusaders, Alexander Nevsky's struggle with them, other wars or tragic events. But the Mongol-Tatar yoke was one of the most tragic and lengthy incidents in history. It is an example of the fact that disunity within a country always leads to the victory of the invaders.

Knowing the historical past of its people, in what century the invasion took place, you can be sure that Russia will no longer repeat the mistakes that lead to tragic or fatal events that bring grief to the people and economic decline to the state.

In conclusion, I would like to say that in this article we have only touched on this vast topic. Our training courses have an hour-long video tutorial in which we analyze all the nuances of this serious topic. 90 points for the story is the average result of the guys after our courses. .

In the autumn of 1237, the Mongol-Tatars began preparations for a winter campaign against North-Eastern Russia. Rashid-ad-Din reports that "in the autumn of the mentioned year (1237), all the princes who were there (in Desht-i-Kypchak. - V.K.) staged a kurultai and, by common agreement, went to war against the Russians." This kurultai was attended by both the Mongol khans who smashed the lands of the Burtases, Mokshas and Mordovians, as well as the khans who fought in the south with the Polovtsians and Alans (Mengu, Guyuk and Monke). All the forces of the Mongol-Tatars gathered to march on North-Eastern Russia.

The sources make it possible to approximately establish the areas of concentration of the Mongols for a campaign against the Russian principalities. In one letter-report (autumn 1237) of the Hungarian monk Julian, it is reported that the Mongols divided “all the troops going to the western countries” into several parts: “one part near the Etil River on the borders of Russia approached Suzdal from the eastern edge. The other part in the south was already attacking the borders of Ryazan, another Russian principality. The third part stopped against the Don River, near the castle of Voronezh, also a Russian principality.

The site of the Mongol-Tatars "near the castle of Voronezh" is indirectly confirmed by a Russian chronicler. According to the Tver Chronicle, before the invasion of the Ryazan Principality, Batu "wintered ... under the Black Forest, and from there came unknown to the Ryazan land in the forest." "Dark forests", which were well known to the chroniclers and were noticeable landmarks in the steppes, south of the borders of the Ryazan principality, were found only in the floodplain of the Voronezh River or in the interfluve of the Voronezh and the Don. It was there, in our opinion, that the "Black Forest" was located, under which the Mongols stood for a long time (even "wintered") before going to North-Eastern Russia.

The lower reaches of the Voronezh River became in the autumn of 1237 the place of concentration of the Mongol troops. Mongol detachments approached here, ending the war with the Polovtsians and Alans. Perhaps, at the same time, another part of the Mongols (according to Julian) were gathering to the east, on the borders of the Ryazan principality, and subsequently connected with the group moving from Voronezh. The message about the concentration of Mongol troops on the Volga, on the Suzdal borders, raises great doubts, since the Russian chroniclers do not report anything about the appearance of the Mongol-Tatars from this side; perhaps, on the northern borders of Bulgaria there were simply outposts of Mongolian outposts.

In the historical literature, an opinion is expressed about the unexpectedness of the Mongols attack on the Russian principalities. This, to a certain extent, explains the extreme inconsistency in the actions of the Russian princes in organizing defense. Meanwhile, the sources testify otherwise: the Russian princes (at least, Vladimir and Ryazan) were well aware of the impending invasion.

Information about the first appearance of the Mongol-Tatars on the borders of Eastern Europe after Kalka reached Russia through Bulgaria and, under 1229, was recorded in many Russian chronicles. They also knew in Russia about the military operations in Bulgaria in 1232, when the Mongols "wintered, not having reached the Great City of Bulgaria." Under 1236, all Russian chronicles report the defeat of the Volga Bulgaria. Vladimir Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich should have known about the upcoming invasion more than others: it was in his possession that the main flow of refugees from the Volga region defeated by the Mongols was sent. The Vladimir prince was also aware of the upcoming campaign from the Tatar ambassadors, who had repeatedly passed through the Russian principalities to the west. In particular, on the eve of the invasion in 1237, as already noted, the Tatar ambassadors, "passing through the land of Suzdal", were captured by the Grand Duke along with their message to the Hungarian king Bela IV.

In Russia, they knew not only about the very fact of the preparation of the invasion, but also about the general goals of the Mongol offensive. Julian reports that “the prince of Suzdal conveyed verbally through me to the king of Hungary that the Tatars are conferring day and night on how to come and seize the kingdom of the Hungarian Christians,” and that the Tatars “have an intention to go to the conquest of Rome and beyond.”

The information transmitted by numerous refugees allowed the Russian princes to know even the details of the impending invasion. The above (see p. 82) Julian’s message about the concentration of the Mongol army on the Russian borders was received by the Hungarian monk from Russian and Bulgarian refugees (“as the Russians themselves, Hungarians and Bulgarians who fled from the Tatars verbally conveyed to us”).

Even if we assume that the offensive of the Mongol-Tatars in winter was a certain tactical surprise for the Russian princes, accustomed to the autumn raids of the Polovtsy, then there could be no question of any strategic surprise: the Russian princes had long known about the preparation of the invasion and had certain information about the enemy . V.N. Tatishchev, apparently based on some source that has not been preserved, directly writes that after the defeat of the Volga Bulgaria and the appearance of Bulgar refugees in Russia, “then many advised” Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich “to strengthen the cities and agree with all the princes to resist, if these wicked Tatars come to his land, but he, hoping for his strength, as before, despised it.

At the beginning of winter, the Mongol-Tatars moved from the "castle of Voronezh" along the eastern edge of the forests stretching in the floodplain of the Voronezh River to the borders of the Ryazan principality. Along this path, covered by forests from the Ryazan guard posts on the right bank of the Voronezh River, the Mongol-Tatars "unknown" passed to the middle reaches of the Lesnoy and Polny Voronezh, where they were noticed by the Ryazan sentinels; from that moment they came to the attention of Russian chroniclers. Another grouping of the Mongols, noted by Julian "near the Ryazan", also approached here. Only the connection of two Mongol-Tatar armies and the need in connection with this to organize the troops can explain the unexpected and, apparently, quite a long stop "at Onuz", noted by the chroniclers.

The parking place "on Onuz" can be assumed in the region of the middle reaches of the Lesnoy and Polny Voronezh rivers, possibly between them, against a wide (15-20 km) passage in the forest massif, stretching further along Lesnoy Voronezh. Through this passage in the forests, the Tatar cavalry could break out into the expanses of the Ryazan principality, go to the tributaries of the Prony River and further to Ryazan.

There is not enough clarity in the coverage of the events of the conquest of the Ryazan principality by the Mongols in the historical literature. Some researchers (D. Ilovaisky, D.I. Troitsky, in Soviet historiography - V.T. Pashuto) believe that the Ryazan princes strictly adhered to the defensive plan of the war and immediately “shut themselves in the city”. Other historians (M. Ivanin, N. Golitsin, in Soviet historiography - E.A. Razin) admitted that the siege of Ryazan was preceded by a great battle on the borders of the Ryazan land. Indeed, the chroniclers' testimonies about this stage of Batu's invasion are very contradictory. The Laurentian Chronicle simply indicates that the Mongol-Tatars "more often fought the Ryazan land and the plenovakha and to Pronsk, capturing the whole Ryazan and burning it." Even more concise is the testimony of the Ipatiev Chronicle: “Izmaltians came to godlessness ... and took the city of Ryazan with a spear.” However, the Nikon Chronicle, which tells in more detail about the conquest of the Ryazan land by the Mongol-Tatars, directly states that "the princes of Ryazanstia and Muromstia and Pronstia strove against the godless and did battle with them and were slashing evil." The fact that the Ryazan squads did not “shut themselves in the cities”, but went out to meet Batu and “sretosh near the limit of Ryazan”, is also reported by the “Tale of the Devastation of Ryazan by Batu”, which set out in some detail the events of this stage of the invasion. The "rezvets and darers of Ryazan" did not hide from the terrible steppe invaders outside the city walls, but met the Mongol-Tatar hordes in the open field, on the borders of their native land.

Batu's campaign against the Ryazan Principality is presented as follows: the Mongol-Tatars from two sides, from the lower reaches of the Voronezh River and from the southern borders of the Ryazan Principality, approached at the beginning of the winter of 1237 to the middle reaches of the Lesnoy and Polny Voronezh and "a hundred on Onuz encamped." From here, Batu sent an embassy to Yuri Ryazansky demanding obedience and tribute (“tithes in everything”). The Suzdal chronicler reports that the conquerors "became the first to become that Onuze ... and from there they sent their ambassadors, a sorceress wife and two husbands with her to the prince of Ryazan, asking them for tithes in everything." Further, the chroniclers report on a large council of the Ryazan princes, which was attended by the Grand Duke of Ryazan Yuri, the princes of Murom, Pronsk and "other local princes and boyars and governors, and began to confer." V.N. Tatishchev cites the colorful speeches of the ambassadors and the answers of the Russian princes, who declared: "We want to preserve our honor with weapons or death." It is unlikely that these data deserve full confidence. More N.M. Karamzin once wrote that "Tatishchev invented the speeches of the Tatar ambassadors, princes Oleg, Yuri and others." Apparently, the Ryazan princes were much more careful and even allowed the Tatar ambassadors to go to Vladimir, and a response embassy was sent to Batu, headed by Prince Fedor Yuryevich "with gifts and great prayers so that the Ryazan lands would not fight." At the same time, Ryazan ambassadors were sent to Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich in Vladimir and Chernigov with a request for help. The Ryazan army moved to the Voronezh River in order to strengthen the garrisons on the fortified lines and not let the Tatars deep into the Ryazan land. However, the Ryazan squads did not have time to reach Voronezh. Batu, having interrupted the embassy of Prince Fedor, rapidly invaded the boundaries of the Ryazan principality. Somewhere "at the limit of Ryazan" there was a battle between the united Ryazan army and the hordes of Batu. The battle, in which the Ryazan, Murom and Pronsk squads participated, was stubborn and bloody. “We barely defeated their strong Tatar regiments,” notes the author of “The Tale of the Ruin of Ryazan by Batu”.

After the defeat of the Ryazan squads, the Mongol-Tatars quickly moved into the depths of the Ryazan principality. They crossed the "Polovtsian field", a treeless space between Ranova and Pron, and went down the Prony River, destroying the Pron cities. “Starting to fight the land of Ryazan and capturing it to Pronsk,” the chronicler notes. The author of "The Tale of the Devastation of Ryazan by Batu" reports on the terrible defeat of the Ryazan land and the death of the Pronsk cities: "Destroy the city of Pronsk and the city of Bel and Izheslavets to the ground." Izheslavets after the "Batu pogrom" ceased to exist altogether: the archaeological material found on the site of ancient Izheslavets fits entirely into the chronological framework of the 11th-13th centuries. Only the northeastern forest regions of the Ryazan Principality survived, which were devastated in 1239 during the Tatars' campaign against Murom.

After the defeat of the cities on Pron, the Mongol-Tatars moved towards Ryazan. The city of Ryazan, the capital of a large and powerful principality, was well fortified. On three sides, Old Ryazan was surrounded by ramparts and ditches, and the fourth side was covered by the natural steepness of the river bank. The ramparts of Staraya Ryazan were a powerful structure and reached a height of 9-10 m (with a width at the base of 23-24 m); ditches were up to 8 m deep. In addition to the outer rampart, in Old Ryazan there was also an inner rampart, which could also become a cover for the defenders. Powerful wooden walls, chopped with torsos, complemented the picture of the city's fortifications.

On December 16, the Mongol-Tatars approached Ryazan. After a short battle on the outskirts of the city, the hordes of Batu "retreated the city of Ryazan and fenced off the fence." The siege has begun.

Ryazan was besieged by the combined forces of the Mongol-Tatars, led by Batu himself. Rashid-ad-Din in the “History of Ogedei-kaan” writes that “Batu, Horde, Guyuk-khan, Mengu-khan, Kulkan, Kadan and Buri together (italics mine. - V.K.) besieged the city of Arpan (Ryazan) .

After the construction of the "prison" around the city, an attack began. The Mongol-Tatars continuously threw fresh forces at the walls, exhausting the besieged. "The Tale of the Devastation of Ryazan by Batu" reports that "Batu's army has changed, and the citizens are constantly beating." On the sixth day of the siege, a decisive assault on Ryazan began. “It’s early on the sixth day,” writes the author of the Tale ..., “when the filthy people came to the city, ovii with fire, and others with axes, and others with vices, and with tokmachs, and ladders, and taking the city of Ryazan in the month of December in 21 day". The South Russian chronicler also reports that the city did not surrender, but was “taken with a spear”. The city was subjected to a terrible defeat. “The Tatars took the city of Ryazan ... and set fire to the whole and their prince Yury oubish and his princess, and others we eat husbands and wives and children and blacks and blacks and heres, I’ll cut the swords, and shoot others with arrows,” he draws Suzdal chronicler a tragic picture of the death of Ryazan. “A lot of the dead are lying, and the city is devastated, the earth is empty, the churches are burned ..., only smoke and earth and ashes,” writes the author of the Tale ... about the state of the city after the invasion of Batu.

Evidence from written sources about the destruction of Ryazan is fully confirmed by archaeological materials. Excavations by A.L. Mongait in Staraya Ryazan discovered a layer of ash that covered almost the entire territory of the settlement; under the rubble of burnt buildings, the corpses of the inhabitants of Ryazan and their property rested. In the eastern part of the Northern Settlement, a cemetery of the victims of the Tatar pogrom was excavated. Many skeletons bear traces of a violent death: the skulls are pierced by arrows, there are traces of blows with a sharp weapon (sword) on the bones, a diamond-shaped arrow of the Tatar type is stuck in the spine of one of the skeletons. A.L. Mongait dates the burials with traces of violent death to the time of the Tatar pogrom.

Having plundered Ryazan, the Mongol-Tatars moved up the Oka River to Kolomna, destroying the Ryazan Oka cities: Ozhsk, Olgov, Pereyaslavl-Ryazansky, Borisov-Glebov. By the time of the campaign of the Mongol-Tatars to Kolomna, there is a well-known folk tale about Evpaty Kolovrat, who, with a detachment of 1700 soldiers, came from Chernigov and attacked the Mongol-Tatar army.

The time of the approach of Batu's troops to Kolomna is unknown. Moscow, according to V.N. Tatishchev, was taken by the Mongol-Tatars on January 20, 1238, but according to Rashid ad-Din, the Mongols besieged it for 5 days, that is, they could approach Moscow on January 15, with a distance from Ryazan to Moscow about 250 km. If we take into account that from Ryazan to Kolomna 140 km, and the Mongol-Tatars inevitably had to be delayed to take the Ryazan cities near the Oka, then they were probably not near Kolomna until January 10, 1238.

The defeat of the cities of North-Eastern Russia by the Mongol-Tatars (January - February 1238). The invasion came close to the borders of the Vladimir principality. Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich, who at one time refused to help the Ryazan princes, himself found himself in immediate danger.

Usually, historians, following the chroniclers, explain the refusal to help Ryazan with the desire of Yuri Vsevolodovich to “fight especially”, which was generally characteristic of the period of feudal fragmentation, and the long-standing enmity between Ryazan and Vladimir (M. Ivanin, N. Golitsin). In fact, the rapid advance of the Mongol-Tatars came as a surprise to the Grand Duke of Vladimir and left no time to prepare troops to help Ryazan. Yuri Vsevolodovich, after receiving news of the invasion, began to gather forces to fight back; the resistance of the Ryazan princes was obviously supposed to give an opportunity to gain time for the concentration of these forces. The perfidious policy of the Mongols, aimed at separating the Russian forces, also played a certain role. It was with the aim of preventing the unification of the Vladimir and Ryazan regiments that Batu sent a special embassy to Vladimir. In the Laurentian Chronicle, in a kind of "Life", recorded on the occasion of the transfer of the body of Yuri Vsevolodovich from Rostov to the capital in 1239, there are direct indications of the purpose of this embassy: with us". True, later in the annals it was written that “he didn’t want it,” but this is probably a completely understandable exaggeration of the chronicler, fully consistent with the general spirit of the Life, which sought to emphasize the intransigence of “St. Yuri" in relation to the "godless Tatars". If the Vladimir prince did not believe the Tatar peace proposals, he undoubtedly tried to use the negotiations to delay the attack on his principality, which was extremely necessary for gathering forces. Under these conditions, helping Ryazan was dangerous. It should be noted that Grand Duke Yuri made good use of the short period of time (slightly more than a month) that passed from the invasion of the conquerors into the Ryazan lands until they appeared on the Vladimir borders, and concentrated significant forces on the alleged path of the Mongol detachments.

The point where the Vladimir regiments gathered to repulse the Mongol-Tatars was the city of Kolomna, since the swampy forest area north of the Oka, on both sides of the Pra River, almost deserted, was completely unsuitable for the passage of large masses of cavalry, and the only convenient way to the center of the Vladimir Principality lay on the ice of the Moscow River. This path was blocked by Kolomna. Here, at a strategically important point, at the crossroads of river routes, the troops of the Grand Duke of Vladimir gathered to repel the invasion.

There is a well-known underestimation of the battle near Kolomna in the historical literature: it is regarded simply as a clash between the advance detachment of the Vladimir rati (almost "watchmen") with the Tatar avant-gardes. An analysis of the sources allows us to evaluate the battle near Kolomna and its place in the events of the Mongol-Tatar invasion of North-Eastern Russia in a different way.

The forces gathered by the Grand Duke of Vladimir near Kolomna were significant. First of all, Vladimir regiments gathered here, led by the eldest son of the Grand Duke - Vsevolod Yuryevich. In the Ipatiev Chronicle there is an indication that it was not a “patrol detachment”, but all the forces that the Grand Duke managed to gather: “Yuri sent his son Vsevolod with all the people.” In addition to the Vladimir army, the remnants of the Ryazan regiments headed by Prince Roman Igorevich approached Kolomna. The Suzdal chronicler even reports that the Novgorod army came to Kolomna: “Vsevolod son Yuryev’s grandson Vsevolozh and Prince Roman and Novgorodtsy came with their howls from Vladimir against the Tatars.” In addition, the Russian rati near Kolomna included regiments of a number of principalities and cities: Pronsky, Moscow, etc.

The chronicles unanimously testify to the large scale of the battle near Kolomna: “There was a great battle” (Laurentievskaya and Suzdal chronicles), “bashing hard” (Novgorod I and Tver chronicles), “there was a strong battle near Kolomna” (Lviv Chronicle). Eastern sources speak of a major battle. Rashid ad-Din reports that all the Genghisid princes who besieged Ryazan (Batu, Orda, Guyuk Khan, Kulkan, Kadan and Buri) went from Ryazan to the "city of Ike" (Kolomna), i.e., the main ones gathered near Kolomna the forces of the Mongol-Tatars. In addition, Rashid-ad-Din notes that near Kolomna "Kulkan was wounded there and he died." Under the Mongol customs of warfare, when centurions, thousanders, and temniks, not to mention khans, led the troops, being behind the battle lines, the death of the Chingizid prince (as Kulkan was) was possible only in a big battle, which was accompanied by a violation of the combat order and a deep breakthrough of the enemy. By the way, Kulkan was the only Genghisid prince who died during the invasion of Eastern Europe.

By the number of troops gathered and the stubbornness of the battle, the battle near Kolomna can be considered one of the most significant events of Batu's campaign against North-Eastern Russia. It was an attempt by the united Vladimir rati to hold back the offensive on the borders of the Vladimir principality.

The picture of the battle near Kolomna is restored according to the annals in this form: the Russian regiments were encamped at the walls of Kolomna, behind the "gouges". The guard detachment of the voivode Yeremey Glebovich was sent forward (“ambassador Yeremey Glebovich in the guards of the voivode”). The Mongol cavalry approached from the south, from the side of the Oka and "stumbled" the Russian army near Kolomna. The Russian warriors “strongly fought and the slash was great,” however, the Mongol-Tatars, after a fierce battle, crushed the Vladimir regiments and “driven them to a dolbom, and that killed Prince Roman, and oh Vsevolozh his governor Yeremey, and many other husbands were beaten, and Vsevolod in a small squad ran to Volodimer.

Having defeated the united Vladimir army near Kolomna and plundered the city, the Mongols moved along the ice of the Moskva River further north, deep into the Vladimir lands. “The Tatars went to Moscow,” says the Laurentian Chronicle. Moscow, where at that time the son of the Grand Duke Vladimir Yuryevich was “with a small army”, put up stubborn resistance to the conquerors. Rashid-ad-Din notes that only "together in five days" the Mongols-Tatars took Moscow. The city was destroyed. “Taking Moscow to Tatarov and killing the voivode Philip Nyanka, and prince Volodimer with his hands ..., and people were beaten from an old man to a mere baby, and they betrayed the city and churches of the holy fires, and burned all the monasteries and villages, and took a lot of estates, otidosha ".

Having plundered and set fire to the city and its environs (“and the villages of the fire”), the Mongol-Tatars moved further north along the ice of the Moscow River. The whole journey from Moscow to Vladimir took 13-14 days. During this time, the Tatar army covered a distance of about 200 km. The chroniclers do not report which way Vladimir Batu went to. It seems most probable that the Tatar army reached the Klyazma and, on the ice of the Klyazma River, headed east to Vladimir. Movement on the ice of rivers - the only convenient way in massifs of forests in conditions of deep snow cover - was generally characteristic of Batu's invasion of North-Eastern Russia.

The campaign of the main forces of Batu from Ryazan to Vladimir is interesting in the sense that it can be dated and allows us to find out the average speed of movement of the Mongol-Tatar army with carts and siege engines in winter and wooded areas. From Ryazan, the Mongol-Tatars moved north on January 1, 1238 and approached Moscow around January 15, covering a distance of 250 km in 14-15 days. On January 20-21, the Mongol-Tatars headed from Moscow to Vladimir and reached the capital of the Vladimir principality on February 4, 1238 (a distance of about 200 km). Thus, the average speed of movement of the main forces of Batu with carts and a siege park was approximately 15 km per day. Separate detachments of the Tatar cavalry made daytime marches of 30-35 km in winter conditions.

On February 4, 1238, the Mongol-Tatars approached Vladimir. The capital of North-Eastern Russia, the city of Vladimir, surrounded by new walls with powerful stone gate towers, was a strong fortress. From the south it was covered by the Klyazma River, from the east and north by the Lybed River with steep banks and ravines. The enemy had to overcome three defensive lines in order to break through to the city center: the ramparts and walls of the “New City”, the ramparts and walls of the “Monomakhov”, or “Pecherny city”, and, finally, the stone walls of the citadel. N.N. Voronin specifically notes the “monumental combat nature of the fortifications of the citadel”, which included “walls made of tuff slabs, adjoining the city ramparts, and a powerful gate tower with the Church of Joachim and Anna, made as a kind of Golden Gate”. A number of stone churches and monasteries within the city could serve as additional strongholds (Assumption and Rozhdestvensky monasteries, the churches of St. Savior, St. George, Vozdvizhenskaya at the Market, Dmitrievsky and Assumption Cathedrals).

By the time of the siege, the situation in the city was very disturbing. Prince Vsevolod Yuryevich, who "ran to Volodimer in a small squad," brought the news of the defeat of the Russian regiments near Kolomna. New troops had not yet gathered and there was no time to expect them: the Mongol-Tatars were on their way to Vladimir. Under these conditions, Yuri Vsevolodovich decided to leave part of the collected troops for the defense of the city, and he himself went to the north and continued to collect troops. The Laurentian Chronicle reports that "Yurya's departure from Volodimer in a small retinue, setting up his sons in his own place, Vsevolod and Mstislav, and going to the Volga ... joining together against the Tatars." Interesting details of these events are given by V.N. Tatishchev. According to him, after the return of Vsevolod Yuryevich, defeated by the Tatars near Kolomna, Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich "called everyone together for advice" and "discussed what to do." It is significant that there was no question of Yuri staying and defending the city - the fear of the Tatars was so strong. “Many are reasonable,” according to V.N. Tatishchev, - they advised the princesses and all the estate and church utensils to be taken to forest places, and only the military should be left in the city for defense. Others objected that in this case the defenders “would not diligently defend the city”, and suggested “leaving enough troops in the city with the princess and young princes, and having gathered, the prince with all the regiments, stand near the city in a strong place, so that the Tatars, knowing the army is near, they did not dare to get the city. It is difficult to say to what extent V.N. Tatishchev. In any case, based on the situation, both proposals were quite probable.

After the departure of the Grand Duke, part of the troops remained in Vladimir, headed by Yuri's sons, Vsevolod and Mstislav, and the voivode Peter Oslyadyakovich. Of course, the population of the surrounding villages and towns gathered in the capital, seeking salvation from the Tatars, and additional forces could be recruited from it, but a small squad and a hastily assembled militia, besides demoralized by rumors about the terrible power of the Tatars, was not enough for the successful defense of the city.

Batu approached Vladimir on the 4th day of February, in memory of St. Semeon on Tuesday" from the most vulnerable side, from the west, where there was a flat field in front of the Golden Gate. The Tatar detachment, leading Prince Vladimir Yurievich taken prisoner during the defeat of Moscow, appeared in front of the Golden Gate and demanded the voluntary surrender of the city. After the refusal of the Vladimirians, the Tatars killed Vladimir Yurievich in front of his brothers. Part of the Tatar detachments traveled around the city, inspecting the fortifications, and the main forces of Batu camped in front of the Golden Gates: “Tatars, having moved away from the Golden Gates and traveled around the whole city and camp in front of the Golden Gates, a lot of howls were ripe around the whole city.” The siege began.

The assault on Vladimir was preceded by the defeat of the city of Suzdal by the Tatar detachment. The chronicler reports that "Tatars, set up their own ordering of the city of Volodimer, and take Suzhdal themselves." This short trip is quite understandable. Starting the siege of the capital, the Tatars learned about the retreat of Yuri Vsevolodovich with part of the army to the north and were afraid of a sudden blow. The most likely direction of Yuri's counterattack could be Suzdal, which covered the road from Vladimir to the north along the Nerl River. Yuri Vsevolodovich could rely on this fortress, located only 30 km from the capital.

Suzdal, left almost without defenders and deprived due to the winter time of its main cover - water lines, was taken by the Mongol-Tatars immediately; in any case, on February 6, the Tatar detachment that smashed Suzdal had already returned to Vladimir. Suzdal was plundered and burned, its population was killed or taken into captivity; settlements and monasteries in the vicinity of the city were also destroyed.

Meanwhile, preparations for the assault on Vladimir continued. “On Saturday, meat-empty,” reports the chronicler, “beginning to decorate the forests and put vices until the evening, and at night, fence around the whole city of Volodymyr.” The Tatar stone-throwing tools - “vices” - were constantly beating. To intimidate the defenders of the city, the conquerors led thousands of prisoners under the walls. At this decisive moment, on the eve of the general assault, the princes in charge of the defense fled the city. According to the South Russian chronicler, Prince Vsevolod Yuryevich was “fearful” and “he himself was from the city of iziide with a small druzhy and carried with him many gifts, hoping, fearing from him (Batu. - V.K.) take the belly”, but was killed by the Tatars . The Suzdal chronicler, obviously trying to hush up this shameful episode, limited himself to a vague remark that "Vsevolod and his brother were killed outside the city."

On February 6, the wall-beating vehicles of the Mongol-Tatars broke through the city walls in several places, but on this day the defenders of Vladimir managed to repulse the assault and "they were not allowed into the city."

Early in the morning of the next day, the assault on Vladimir resumed: “In the week of meat-empty, after morning, I proceeded to the city of the month of February on 7 [day].” The Mongol-Tatars delivered the main blow from the west, from the side of the "New City", where the walls were not covered by natural obstacles. Wall-beating guns broke through the city wall “at the Golden Gate, at St. Spas." The breakthrough “from the Golden Gate”, which the chroniclers report, should not be taken literally: the Tatars did not break the stone stronghold of the gate, but the wooden wall not far from them, which was much easier. This is evidenced by the chroniclers' indication of the direction of the breakthrough - "at the holy Savior." The Church of the Savior was located in the "New City", somewhat south of the Golden Gates. N.N. Voronin, on the basis of an analysis of chronicle texts and a survey of the Golden Gates, directly states: “It is not clear that the Tatars were wasting their strength on the siege of the stone stronghold of the Golden Gates; apparently, the shelling of vices was not directed at them. At the same time or somewhat later, the fortifications of the "New City" were broken through in several more places: at the "Irinin", "Copper" and "Volga" gates. “Having swept into the moat of a damp forest” (in order to avoid setting fire to the blockages by the defenders), the Mongol-Tatars broke into the “New City” from different sides. The chronicler reports that the Tatars “from the Golden Gate, at St. The Savior entered, according to a sign, through the city, and here from the northern country from Lybid to the Orin Gate, and to the Medyanye Gate, and here from Klyazma to the Volga Gate, and soon took the New City. Bursting beyond the city walls, the Tatars "burned and fire." During the fire, many defenders of the "New City" died ("people are already ending in fire").

By the middle of the day on February 7, the “New City”, engulfed in fire, was captured by the Mongol-Tatars (“taking the city before lunch”). Through the flaming streets, the surviving defenders of the "New City" fled to the middle, "Pecherny city" ("and all the people fled in the Pecherny city"). Pursuing them, the Mongol-Tatars broke into the "Middle City". Apparently, there was not much resistance to them here, since the chroniclers do not even mention any battles on the walls of the "Middle City". V.N. Tatishchev writes that "there was no one to defend, many were beaten and captured here." The stone walls of the Vladimir citadel, the last stronghold of the defenders of the Vladimir capital, were also immediately broken through by the Mongol-Tatars. Further, the chroniclers report a dramatic episode of the burning of the cathedral church by the Tatars, where the grand-ducal family and “many boyars and people” gathered. The death in the fire of people who took refuge in the cathedral is the last episode in the defense of the great city.

The fierce resistance of the defenders of Vladimir, despite the overwhelming numerical superiority of the conquerors and the flight from the city of the princes who led the defense, inflicted great damage on the Mongol-Tatars. Eastern sources, reporting on the capture of Vladimir, paint a picture of a long and stubborn battle. Rashid-ad-Din in the "History of Ogedei-kaan" writes that the Mongols "took the city of George the Great in 8 days. They (besieged) fought fiercely. Mengu Khan personally performed heroic deeds until he defeated them. Vladimir was the last city of North-Eastern Russia, which was besieged by the combined forces of Batu.

After the capture of Vladimir, the Mongol-Tatars began to smash the cities of the Vladimir-Suzdal land. This stage of the campaign is characterized by the death of most cities in the interfluve of the Klyazma and the Upper Volga. In February 1238, the conquerors moved from the capital in several large detachments along the main river and trade routes, destroying the cities that were centers of resistance. The campaigns of the Mongol-Tatars in February 1238 were aimed at defeating the cities - centers of resistance, as well as at destroying the remnants of the Vladimir troops, who were gathered by Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich, who fled "beyond the Volga"; in addition, they had to cut off the grand duke's "camp" from southern Russia and Novgorod, from where reinforcements could be expected. Solving these tasks, the Mongolian detachments moved from Vladimir in three main directions: north, to Rostov, east - to the Middle Volga (to Gorodets), northwest - to Tver and Torzhok.

The main forces of Batu went from Vladimir to the north to defeat the Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich. The chronicler reports that after the fall of the capital, the Mongol-Tatars "looked at the Grand Duke George" (Yuri), and indicates the main direction of their movement - "to Rostov." The Mongol-Tatar army passed on the ice of the Nerl River and, not reaching Pereyaslavl-Zalessky, turned north, to Lake Nero. Rostov, abandoned by the prince and his retinue, surrendered to the conquerors without a fight. From Rostov, the Mongol troops went in two directions: a large army led by Burundai moved north along the ice of the Ustye River and further across the plain to Uglich, and another large detachment headed along the Kotorosl River to Yaroslavl. These directions of movement of the Tatar detachments from Rostov, recorded in the annals, are quite understandable. Through Uglich lay the shortest road to the tributaries of the Mologa, to the City, where Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich camped; information about his exact location could well have reached the Tatars. The campaign to Yaroslavl and further along the Volga to Kostroma through the rich Volga cities cut off Yuri Vsevolodovich's retreat to the Volga and provided somewhere in the Kostroma region a meeting with another Tatar detachment moving up the Volga from Gorodets.

The chroniclers do not report any details of the capture of Yaroslavl, Kostroma and other cities along the Volga. Based on archaeological data, it can be assumed that Yaroslavl was severely destroyed and could not recover for a long time. A reflection of the Tatar pogrom of the city is a local legend about the battle with the Tatars on the "Tug Mountain", in which all the defenders of Yaroslavl died. There is even less information about the capture of Kostroma. The assumption of pre-revolutionary historians that Kostroma was located on the right bank of the Volga and subsequently, burned by the Tatars, became deserted and was moved to the left bank, was refuted by materials from archaeological excavations in 1950.

The Tatar detachment, heading east from Vladimir, to the Middle Volga, passed along the Klyazma River to Starodum and moved straight through the forests to Gorodets Radilov. From Gorodets, the Tatar army rose up the Volga, destroying the Volga cities (“along the Volza all the cities of captivity”), to Kostroma. Kostroma, apparently, was the place where the Tatar detachments met, who came from Yaroslavl and Gorodets. Separate detachments of the Tatar cavalry went far to the north and northeast. Chroniclers report on the campaigns of the Tatar detachments to Galich-Mersky and even to Vologda.

For the Mongol detachments moving from Vladimir to the northwest, the first object of attack was Pereyaslavl-Zalessky - a strong fortress on the shortest waterway from the Klyazma River basin to Novgorod. A large Tatar army along the Nerl River approached Pereyaslavl in mid-February and, after a five-day siege, took the city by storm: “ini went to Pereyaslavl and took it” (Laurentian Chronicle).

From Pereyaslavl-Zalessky, the Tatar detachments moved in several directions. Some of them, apparently, went to the aid of Burundai to Rostov, the other part joined the Tatar army, which had turned from the Nerl to Yuryev even earlier, and the rest of the troops moved along the ice of Lake Pleshcheyevo and the Nerl (Volga) River to Ksnyatin to cut the Volga route. The Tatar army, moving along the Nerl to the Volga, took Ksnyatin and quickly moved up the Volga to Tver and Torzhok. Another Tatar army took Yuryev and went further west, through Dmitrov, Volok-Lamsky and Tver to Torzhok. The Suzdal chronicler reports that the Mongol-Tatars, after the capture of Pereyaslavl, "the city of many prisoners, Yuryev, Dmitrov, Volok, Tver." Near Tver, Tatar troops moving from Volok joined with detachments rising up the Volga from Ksnyatin.

Something like huge "pincers", which were a characteristic feature of the Tatar tactics, is revealed. Some "pincers" covered the land to the north-west of Vladimir (from Pereyaslavl - Yuryev - Ksnyatin to Volok - Tver), others - the interfluve of the Klyazma and Volga rivers.

As a result of the February campaigns of 1238, the Mongol-Tatars destroyed Russian cities on a vast territory, from the Middle Volga to Tver. The chronicler reports that Batu, "having taken 14 cities, turned away freedom and pogostov in one month of February." Comparison of the data of the Lavrentiev, Suzdal (according to the Academic list) and Simeon chronicles makes it possible to restore the list of cities taken by the Mongol-Tatars in February 1238: Rostov, Yaroslavl, Gorodets, Galich-Mersky, Pereyaslavl-Zalessky, Torzhok, Yuryev, Dmitrov, Volok -Lamsky, Tver, Kostroma, Uglich, Kashin, Ksnyatin. V.N. Tatishchev adds Staro Oak and Konstantinov to this list, and the Voskresensky list of the "Russian Chronograph" - the city of Vologda. In essence, this list includes all more or less large cities of the Upper Volga and the interfluve of the Klyazma and Volga.

By the beginning of March 1238, the Mongol-Tatar detachments reached the border of the Upper Volga on a wide front. Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich, who was gathering troops in the camp on the City, found himself in close proximity to the Tatar avant-gardes. From Uglich and Kashin, a large Tatar army led by Burundai moved to the City.

The battle on the City River, in which the Grand Prince of Vladimir was decisively defeated and he himself “God knows how he died,” is described by all Russian chroniclers. True, for the most part, the annalistic news about the battle on the City River is very laconic and duplicates each other, but in total they still make it possible to recreate the picture of the last battle of the Vladimir troops.

Immediately before the siege of Vladimir, Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich, leaving his doomed capital, fled to the North. The Laurentian Chronicle reports: “Yurya’s departure from Volodimer in a small squad, having arranged his sons in his place, Vsevolod and Mstislav.” With Yuri Vsevolodovich, in addition to the "small squad", his nephews Vasilek, Vsevolod and Vladimir Konstantinovich left Vladimir. On the direction of the departure of the Grand Duke, the chroniclers, supplementing each other, report the following: “Drive to the Volga” (Laurentian Chronicle), “set out from Volodimer and run to Yaroslavl” (NPL), “go to Yaroslavl, and from there beyond the Volga, and stop City" (Tver Chronicle). The chroniclers also report the purpose of Yury Vsevolodovich’s departure beyond the Volga: “Beginning of Yury, the great prince, and cooperating against the Tatars” (Laurentian Chronicle), “howl howling around him” (Ipatiev Chronicle). First of all, help was expected from Prince Yaroslav Vsevolodovich and from another brother of Yuri - Svyatoslav. The Suzdal chronicler writes like this: “Waiting for your brother Yaroslav from the regiment and Svyatoslav with his retinue.” In addition, princes fled to the Sit, to the grand princely camp, from small towns and principalities that had been subjected to a Tatar pogrom. So, Prince Yuri Starodubsky, when the Tatars approached, took away his family and property “beyond Gorodets beyond the Volga to the forests”, and he himself went to Yuri Vsevolodovich on the Sit “with a small army”.

The Mongol-Tatars began a campaign against Yuri Vsevolodovich immediately after the fall of Vladimir. At first they "chased along Yuria and princes to Yaroslavl." However, from Rostov, the main forces, led by Burundai, turned directly north, to Uglich (having, apparently, received from the prisoners more accurate information about the location of the grand duke's camp); On the morning of March 4, the Tatar avant-gardes approached the City River. Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich was never able to muster sufficient forces. True, Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich still managed to approach with his retinue (the Laurentian Chronicle mentions him among the princes who fell on the City), but the Grand Duke did not wait for Yaroslav. “And wait for your brother Yaroslav, and don’t be without him,” the chronicler notes sadly.

Probably, the rumors about the approach of the enemy reached the Grand Duke, and he took some precautions: “ordered his governor Zhiroslav Mikhailovich to copulate the army and strengthen the people, and prepare for battle”, sent a three thousandth detachment of Dorozh “to torture the Tatars”. However, the Tatars were ahead. Their progress was unexpectedly fast for the Grand Duke. A well-known role was played by the carelessness of Prince Yuri. The Ipatiev Chronicle directly indicates that Yuri stood in the City, "having no guard." The detachment of the voivode Dorofey Fedorovich (“Dorozha”), put forward for reconnaissance, could not prevent an unexpected attack: “Prince Yury, the ambassador Dorozh, in prosiki in three thousand, the husband came running Dorozh, and speech: and already, prince, they bypassed us for a day near Tatara” . The Russian regiments did not even have time to line up properly for battle. “The prince began to put regiments around him, and all of a sudden the Tatars hurried, the prince did not have time to do anything, run,” the chronicler reports.

The battle, despite the suddenness of the attack and the large numerical superiority of the Tatar army, was stubborn. The Russian regiments, which did not even have time to line up properly, "wandered against the filthy and stepped down the wallpaper, and be slashing evil." The army of Yuri Vsevolodovich could not withstand the blow of the Tatar cavalry and "flee before the foreigners." During the persecution, many Russian soldiers were killed, and the Grand Duke himself died: “The Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodich was killed on the river in the City, and his many howls perished.” The chronicles do not report the details of the battle, even the circumstances of the death of the Grand Duke himself are unknown. “God knows how he died, others talk a lot about him,” the Novgorod chronicler notes. A little added to the description of the battle on the City and eastern sources. Rashid ad-Din did not attach much importance to the battle of the City; in his mind, it was just a pursuit of the prince who had fled and was hiding in the forests. “The prince of that country, George the Elder,” writes Rashid-ad-Din, “ran away and hid in the forest; he was also taken and killed.”

Further detailing of the battle on the City River is connected with the use of archaeological materials. Among the problems that the researchers tried to solve by attracting archaeological materials are: specifying the location of Yuri Vsevolodovich's camp on the City and the battlefield; restoration of the course of the battle based on archeological and toponymic data; verification of chronicle news about the battle in the City. Archaeological research in the City River basin, which lasted for several decades, can serve as an example of how, based on approximately the same source materials, researchers come to completely different conclusions.

The non-systematic nature of the excavations, the lack of a complete description of the archaeological work on the City River, the contradictory opinions of historians, the degree of correctness of the argumentation of which is almost impossible to verify, the promotion of "folk memory" as the main source of research - all this causes great difficulties in summing up. Only new archaeological work on the City River, carried out by modern scientific methods, can clarify this issue. Meanwhile, there is almost no material of this kind.

Almost simultaneously with the battle on the City, on March 5, 1238, the city of Torzhok, a fortress on the southern borders of the Novgorod land, was taken by a Tatar detachment. Torzhok occupied an advantageous strategic position: it blocked the shortest route from the "Nizovsky Land" to Novgorod along the Tvertsa River. Torzhok, which withstood many sieges in its lifetime, had quite strong fortifications. The earthen rampart on the Borisoglebsk side of the city, according to the descriptions of later times, was 6 sazhens high. An important place in the fortification system of Torzhok was occupied by water lines; V.N. Podklyuchnikov attributed Torzhok, inscribed in the loop of the Tverda River, to the fortresses, which "digging an artificial canal turned into a castle located on a semicircular island." True, in winter conditions this important advantage of the defenders largely disappeared, but still Torzhok was a serious obstacle on the way to Novgorod and delayed the Mongol-Tatar offensive for a long time.

According to the Tver Chronicle, the Tatars approached Torzhok "on the 22nd day of February." This date is confirmed by the Suzdal chronicler, who reports that the Tatars “retreated the city of Torzhek on Zbor according to Fedorov week”, “bishas for two weeks” and took “the month of March 5 [day]”, i.e., he gives approximately the same date of the beginning of the siege . That part of the Mongol army approached the city, which, heading west and north-west from Pereyaslavl-Zalessky, defeated the cities along the Upper Volga and in the interfluve of the Oka and Upper Volga. The Novgorod chronicler gives details of the siege of the city: the Tartars of Torzhok, who approached, "were all around, as if they were guarding the imach, and bashing vices for two weeks." There was neither a prince nor a princely squad in the city, and the posad population, headed by elected posadniks, took on the entire burden of defense. (Among those who died during the storming of Torzhok, the chronicles do not mention either the prince or the voivode: “Ivanko was killed by the posadnik Novotorzhkyi, Yakim Vlunkovich, Gleb Borisovich, Mikhailo Moiseevich” - PSRL, vol. I, stb. 522). The Torzhok garrison expected help from Novgorod, but it never came. “And there was no help from Novgorod from them,” the Suzdal chronicler remarks, “but already someone has become bewildered and in fear.” After a two-week siege and the continuous work of the Tatar siege machines, "the exhausted people in the city." Finally, on March 5, 1238, Torzhok, exhausted by a two-week siege, fell. The city was subjected to a terrible defeat, most of its inhabitants died: “The defilement took the city of Torzhek, and everything was cut from the male to the floor to the female, the priestly ranks and the black ones, and everything was exposed and desecrated, betrayed by poor and necessary death.”

Speaking of the "campaign of Batu to Novogorod", historians usually proceed from the fact that significant forces of the Mongol-Tatars were concentrated near Torzhok by this time, and as if only the exhaustion of Batu's troops as a result of continuous fighting and the approach of spring with its mudslides and floods forced them to return , not reaching 100 miles to a rich northern city. However, things were somewhat different. Torzhok besieged and stormed only a part of the Mongol-Tatar army, probably not even a large one. The battle on the City River, on the eve of the assault on Torzhok, which took place on March 4, delayed significant Tatar forces led by Burundai. Another large Tatar detachment was on the Volga, in the Yaroslavl-Kostroma region. Neither one nor the other Mongol-Tatar army could be at the beginning of March near Torzhok.

Meanwhile, the chroniclers report that the Mongol-Tatars moved towards Novgorod immediately after the fall of Torzhok, pursuing the surviving defenders of the city; it is clear that a delay of two weeks made the pursuit pointless. The Tver chronicle, which described the events of the siege in most detail, reports after recording the fall of the city: “And for the other people, chasing godlessness, the Tatars Seregersky way to Ignach-cross, and all the people cut like grass, and only not reached 100 miles to Novgorod” . Literally the same thing is repeated by the Lvov chronicle: “And for other people, chasing from Torzhok by the Sereseysky way.” Thus, it can be reasonably assumed that only a separate detachment of the Tatar cavalry was moving towards Novgorod, and its throw was not aimed at taking the city: it was a simple pursuit of a defeated enemy, usual for the tactics of the Mongol-Tatars.

Such an interpretation of the "campaign" to Novgorod after the fall of Torzhok makes it possible to explain a number of unclear moments of this stage of the invasion. First of all, the unexpected turn of the Mongol-Tatar army "100 versts before Novgorod" becomes clear, which the chroniclers explain by the intervention of heavenly forces. The Tatar detachment, pursuing the retreating defenders of Torzhok and "all the people are cutting like grass," simply ended the pursuit and returned to the main forces. He, of course, had no intention of storming the populous and strong Novgorod, which had time to prepare for defense: for such a campaign, the combined Mongol-Tatar forces were required, and by the beginning of March they were scattered across the vast Russian plain, weakened by battles and burdened with booty.

In the historical literature, there is an opinion that after the defeat of the troops of Grand Duke Yuri Vsevolodovich on the City, the Mongol-Tatars concentrated in the Torzhok area to march on Novgorod, but, forced to return for a number of reasons, before reaching Novgorod, they headed south in a compact mass, to the Polovtsian steppes , passing through the eastern lands of the Smolensk and Chernigov principalities. However, supporters of this opinion do not take into account the following: by the beginning of March 1238, the main forces of the Mongols were dispersed from the Middle Volga to Torzhok. Near Torzhok and Tver, in the most important direction on the way to Novgorod, there were detachments of Batu himself, who came here in different ways from Pereyaslavl-Zalessky and Yuryev. Another significant grouping of the Mongol-Tatars, which defeated Prince Yuri Vsevolodovich on the City River, was located in the Uglich-Ksnyatin (Burundai's army) region. And, finally, on the Middle Volga, in the Yaroslavl-Kostroma region, the Tatar detachments joined, moving from Rostov to Yaroslavl and from Gorodets up the Volga.

At best, the Mongol-Tatars could gather large forces for a campaign against Novgorod in late March - early April. But if we take into account that the hordes of Batu with carts and siege engines could cover the distance from Novgorod to Torzhok (about 300 km) in at least 15-20 days, then the concentration of Mongolian troops for a campaign against Novgorod seems to be completely aimless: in mid-April, Novgorod forests and swamps became impassable for large masses of cavalry and siege equipment. The Mongols did not even try to organize an attack on Novgorod in 1238. In the annals there is no information about the movement of the Tatar detachments from Uglich and Yaroslavl to Torzhok.

The most valuable indication of the further development of events is contained in the “History of Ogedei-kaan” by Rashid-ad-Din, who accurately dates his message: the events described by him occurred after Yuri Vsevolodovich “went into the forest”, and he was “taken and killed", that is, immediately after the battle on the City River, in early March 1238, Rashid-ad-Din indicates that the Mongol-Tatars, after the defeat of the troops of Yuri Vsevolodovich in the City, "left there, deciding in the council to go with tumens and everyone the city, fortress and region that they meet on the way, take and ruin.

This "big raid" moved on a broad front from the Volga to the south. In the cited story by Rashid-ad-Din, it is apparently about the Tatar army that was in the area of ​​the City River: the detachments of Burundai and Mengu-khan (Rashid-ad-Din writes about him). From Yaroslavl and Kostroma, detachments of Kadan and Burya moved south in a general direction towards Kozelsk. The western flank of the round-up consisted of detachments of Batu himself, heading from Torzhok and Tver. Continuing the story of the "raid", Rashid-ad-Din writes: "During this campaign, Batu came to the city of Kozelsk." The departure of Batu from Torzhok to Kozelsk is also reported by Russian chroniclers. One of the Mongol detachments passed even further west, on the other side of the Bryansk forests, east of Smolensk and further along the Upper Desna, where the city of Vshchizh was destroyed by the Tatars. Interesting data about the capture of Vshchizh by the Mongol-Tatars is reported by B.A. Rybakov, who conducted archaeological excavations in this ancient Russian specific city. In the spring of 1238, the Mongol-Tatars, moving from the vicinity of Smolensk to Kozelsk, defeated the cities of Podesenya, among which was Vshchizh. The fact that Vshchizh was devastated by the Tatars is confirmed by the presence of a thick layer of conflagration on the settlement with objects from the 30s of the 13th century. This layer "was able to accurately date the time of Batu - an encolpion cross, common for these years, was found in the conflagration."

In the Vshchizh area, the Tatar detachment turned east, towards Kozelsk, to join with the rest of Batu's forces. This detachment moved along the western border of the Tatar "raid". The eastern border of the "raid" can only be determined approximately. From the Middle Volga, it passed west of Gorokhovets (the destruction of which chroniclers report under 1239), north of Ryazan in the general direction of Kozelsk.

The general picture of hostilities at this stage of the Batu invasion is presented as follows: in February - early March 1238, the Mongol-Tatars marched in several large detachments along the river and trade routes, destroying almost all Vladimir cities, and reached the border of the Upper and Middle Volga. In March, the detachments of the conquerors, not concentrating either at Torzhok or at any other point, moved south from the Volga along a broad front, "raid with darkness", passing through a country whose resistance had been suppressed by previous campaigns that destroyed large cities and defeated the main Vladimir forces. Having broken up into small detachments, the Mongol-Tatars, moving south, subjected the entire interfluve of the Oka and Volga to complete devastation. Not only cities were destroyed, but also rural areas, depopulated as a result of the massacre and theft of the population "in full". This explains the terrible devastation of North-Eastern Russia, in which, according to the figurative words of the chronicler, "he carried places where he did not fight."

The heroic defense of Kozelsk began at the end of March or at the beginning of April 1238. The events of the city's defense are covered in some detail in the annals, but almost nothing is known about the city itself and the nature of its fortifications. It can be assumed that Kozelsk was well fortified; in any case, A.N. Nasonov called Kozelsk, which belonged to the Chernigov princes, "an exceptionally strong and, apparently, a populous city." Initially, Kozelsk was besieged only by Batu detachments moving from Torzhok, but the one and a half month siege was not successful - the city was desperately defending itself. Rashid ad-Din reports: "Batu came to the city of Kozelsk, and besieging it for two months, he could not take it."

Only after the Mongol troops from the Volga approached Kozelsk, with a convoy and siege equipment, the city fell. “Then Kadan and Buri came,” continues Rashid-ad-Din, “and took him (Kozelsk) in three days.” The chronicler draws a vivid picture of the heroic defense of Kozelsk: The goats are cutting with knives with them, having done the advice, go against them to the shelves of the Tatars, and those who came out of the city, cut off their sling and attacked the shelves and slaughtered from the Tatars 4000, they themselves beat the bysh. Baty, taking the city of Kozelesk and beating him up and up to the boys, pissing milk, but about the princes of Vasily it is not known: ini I say, as if in the blood of a utopia, ponezh more young be. From then on, in the Tatars, I didn’t call him Kozelesk, but I called him the city of Evil, because they fought for that city, for seven weeks, and killed 3 the sons of darkness. The Tatars, however, sought them and did not find them in a multitude of corpses of the dead.

Kozelsk, which delayed Batu's detachments for a long time, apparently became a rallying point for the Mongol-Tatars, who devastated North-Eastern Russia with a "raid". The conquerors gathered here to rest and prepare for a further campaign.

From Kozelsk, the combined forces of the Mongol-Tatars moved south, into the Polovtsian steppes. “Batu will take Kozelesk and go to the land of the Polovtsian.” It can be assumed that in June 1238, on the way to the steppes, the Tatars captured and destroyed the city of Kursk. By mid-summer, the Mongol-Tatar hordes entered the Don steppes. Here, in the steppes between the Northern Donets and the Don, in 1238 the main nomad camps of Batu were located.

In 1237, the 75,000-strong army of Batu Khan invaded Russian borders. The hordes of the Mongol-Tatars, the well-armed army of the Khan's empire, the largest in medieval history, came to conquer Russia: to wipe out the recalcitrant Russian cities and villages from the face of the earth, impose tribute on the population and establish the power of their governors - the Baskaks - on the entire territory of Russian land.

The attack of the Mongol-Tatars on Russia was sudden, but not only this determined the success of the invasion. For a number of objective reasons, power was on the side of the conquerors, the fate of Russia was a foregone conclusion, as was the success of the Mongol-Tatar invasion.

Russia by the beginning of the 13th century is a country torn into small principalities, without a single ruler and army. Behind the Mongol-Tatars, on the contrary, stood a strong and united power, approaching the peak of its power. Only a century and a half later, in 1380, in different political and economic conditions, Russia was able to put up a strong army against the Golden Horde, led by a single commander - the Grand Duke of Moscow Dmitry Ivanovich and move from shameful and unsuccessful defense to active military operations and achieve a devastating victory on the Kulikovo field.

About any unity of the Russian land in 1237-1240. there was no question, the invasion of the Mongol-Tatars showed the weakness of Russia, the invasion of the enemy and the power of the Golden Horde established for two and a half centuries, the Golden Horde yoke became a retribution for internecine enmity and the violation of all-Russian interests by the Russian princes, who were too carried away by the satisfaction of their political ambitions.

The Mongol-Tatar invasion of Russia was swift and merciless. In December 1237, the Batu army burned Ryazan, and on January 1, 1238, Kolomna fell under the onslaught of the enemy. During January - May 1238, the Mongol-Tatar invasion incinerated the Vladimir, Pereyaslav, Yuryev, Rostov, Yaroslavl, Uglitsky and Kozelsky principalities. In 1239, it was destroyed by Mur, a year later, residents of cities and villages of the Chernigov principality faced the misfortune of the invasion of the Mongol-Tatars, in September - December 1240, the ancient capital city of Russia - Kyiv was conquered.

After the defeat of North-Eastern and Southern Russia, the countries of Eastern Europe were subjected to the Mongol-Tatar invasion: Batu's army won a number of major victories in Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, but, having lost significant forces on Russian soil, returned to the Volga region, which became the epicenter of the powerful Golden Horde.

With the invasion of the Mongol-Tatars to Russia, the Golden Horde period of Russian history began: the era of the dominion of the eastern despotism, the oppression and ruin of the Russian people, the period of the decline of the Russian economy and culture.

The beginning of the Mongol conquests of the Russian principalities

In the XIII century. the peoples of Russia had to endure a hard struggle with Tatar-Mongol conquerors who ruled in the Russian lands until the 15th century. (the last century in a milder form). Directly or indirectly, the Mongol invasion contributed to the fall of the political institutions of the Kyiv period and the growth of absolutism.

In the XII century. there was no centralized state in Mongolia; the union of the tribes was achieved at the end of the 12th century. Temuchin, the leader of one of the clans. At a general meeting (“kurultai”) of representatives of all clans in 1206 d. he was proclaimed a great khan with the name Genghis(“Infinite Power”).

As soon as the empire was created, it began its expansion. The organization of the Mongolian army was based on the decimal principle - 10, 100, 1000, etc. The imperial guard was created, which controlled the entire army. Before the advent of firearms Mongolian cavalry took up in the steppe wars. She is was better organized and trained than any nomadic army of the past. The reason for success was not only the perfection of the military organization of the Mongols, but also the unpreparedness of rivals.

At the beginning of the 13th century, having conquered part of Siberia, the Mongols in 1215 set about conquering China. They managed to capture the entire northern part of it. From China, the Mongols took out the latest military equipment and specialists for that time. In addition, they received cadres of competent and experienced officials from among the Chinese. In 1219, the troops of Genghis Khan invaded Central Asia. Following Central Asia captured Northern Iran, after which the troops of Genghis Khan made a predatory campaign in Transcaucasia. From the south they came to the Polovtsian steppes and defeated the Polovtsians.

The request of the Polovtsy to help them against a dangerous enemy was accepted by the Russian princes. The battle between the Russian-Polovtsian and Mongol troops took place on May 31, 1223 on the Kalka River in the Azov region. Not all Russian princes, who promised to participate in the battle, put up their troops. The battle ended with the defeat of the Russian-Polovtsian troops, many princes and combatants died.

In 1227, Genghis Khan died. Ogedei, his third son, was elected Great Khan. In 1235, the Kurultai met in the Mongolian capital of Karakorum, where it was decided to begin the conquest of the western lands. This intention posed a terrible threat to the Russian lands. Ogedei's nephew, Batu (Batu), became the head of the new campaign.

In 1236, the troops of Batu began a campaign against the Russian lands. Having defeated the Volga Bulgaria, they set off to conquer the Ryazan principality. The Ryazan princes, their squads and townspeople had to fight the invaders alone. The city was burned and plundered. After the capture of Ryazan, the Mongol troops moved to Kolomna. Many Russian soldiers died in the battle near Kolomna, and the battle itself ended in defeat for them. On February 3, 1238, the Mongols approached Vladimir. Having besieged the city, the invaders sent a detachment to Suzdal, who took it and burned it. The Mongols stopped only in front of Novgorod, turning south due to mudslides.

In 1240 the Mongol offensive resumed. Chernigov and Kyiv were captured and destroyed. From here, the Mongol troops moved into Galicia-Volyn Rus. Having captured Vladimir-Volynsky, Galich in 1241, Batu invaded Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Moravia, and then in 1242 reached Croatia and Dalmatia. However, the Mongol troops entered Western Europe significantly weakened by the powerful resistance they met in Russia. This largely explains the fact that if the Mongols managed to establish their yoke in Russia, then Western Europe experienced only an invasion, and then on a smaller scale. This is the historical role of the heroic resistance of the Russian people to the invasion of the Mongols.

The result of the grandiose campaign of Batu was the conquest of a vast territory - the southern Russian steppes and forests of Northern Russia, the Lower Danube region (Bulgaria and Moldova). The Mongol Empire now included the entire Eurasian continent from the Pacific Ocean to the Balkans.

After the death of Ögedei in 1241, the majority supported the candidacy of Ögedei's son Gayuk. Batu became the head of the strongest regional khanate. He established his capital at Sarai (north of Astrakhan). His power extended to Kazakhstan, Khorezm, Western Siberia, the Volga, the North Caucasus, Russia. Gradually, the western part of this ulus became known as Golden Horde.

The first armed clash between the Russian squad and the Mongol-Tatar army took place 14 years before the invasion of Batu. In 1223, the Mongol-Tatar army under the command of Subudai-Bagatur went on a campaign against the Polovtsy in the immediate vicinity of the Russian lands. At the request of the Polovtsy, some Russian princes provided military assistance to the Polovtsy.

On May 31, 1223, a battle took place between the Russian-Polovtsian detachments and the Mongol-Tatars on the Kalka River near the Sea of ​​\u200b\u200bAzov. As a result of this battle, the Russian-Polovtsian militia suffered a crushing defeat from the Mongol-Tatars. The Russian-Polovtsian army suffered heavy losses. Six Russian princes were killed, including Mstislav Udaloy, the Polovtsian Khan Kotyan and more than 10 thousand militias.

The main reasons for the defeat of the Russian-half army were:

The unwillingness of the Russian princes to act as a united front against the Mongol-Tatars (most of the Russian princes refused to respond to the request of their neighbors and send troops);

Underestimation of the Mongol-Tatars (the Russian militia was poorly armed and did not properly tune in to the battle);

Inconsistency of actions during the battle (Russian troops were not a single army, but disparate squads of different princes acting in their own way; some squads left the battle and watched from the side).

Having won a victory at Kalka, the army of Subudai-Bagatur did not develop success and left for the steppes.

4. After 13 years, in 1236, the Mongol-Tatar army led by Batu Khan (Batu Khan), the grandson of Genghis Khan and the son of Jochi, invaded the Volga steppes and Volga Bulgaria (the territory of modern Tataria). Having defeated the Polovtsy and the Volga Bulgars, the Mongol-Tatars decided to invade Russia.

The conquest of Russian lands was carried out during two campaigns:

The campaign of 1237 - 1238, as a result of which the Ryazan and Vladimir-Suzdal principalities were conquered - the north-east of Russia;

The campaign of 1239 - 1240, as a result of which the Chernigov and Kiev principalities, other principalities of the south of Russia were conquered. The Russian principalities offered heroic resistance. Among the most important battles of the war with the Mongol-Tatars are:

The defense of Ryazan (1237) - the very first large city attacked by the Mongol-Tatars - almost all the inhabitants participated and died during the defense of the city;

Defense of Vladimir (1238);

Defense of Kozelsk (1238) - the Mongol-Tatars stormed Kozelsk for 7 weeks, for which they called it the "evil city";

Battle on the City River (1238) - the heroic resistance of the Russian militia prevented the further advance of the Mongol-Tatars to the north - to Novgorod;

The defense of Kyiv - the city fought for about a month.