Department of Internal Security of the FSB of Russia. Office of own security fsb 3 service 9 management usb fsb rf

"In the fight against the Russian Cosa Nostra"

Behind the most high-profile criminal cases of recent times is a team of FSB officers led by General Sergei Korolev, who until recently headed the Department of Internal Security of the department (USB) of the FSB, and in early July received the Economic Security Service (SEB) of the FSB under his command, said
RBC.

In the early 2000s, Korolev served in the third department of the Economic Security Service of the UFSB, which was in charge of law enforcement agencies. In those days, they looked at it almost like a pension, Fontanka wrote the other day.

A few years later, news reached St. Petersburg - Korolev became an adviser to the Minister of Defense Anatoly Serdyukov, while he oversaw the Main Directorate of the General Staff, which is often called the GRU.

Soon, unexpectedly for everyone, Korolev became the head of the Main Directorate of Internal Security of the FSB of Russia. In the police environment, security officers are called watchmen. It turns out that he guarded the watchmen.

Under the Queen, the Sixth Service became one of the most significant units in the CSS. According to RBC's interlocutor, close to the USB, it was created in 2008, it includes only about 35 people. The service is headed by Ivan Tkachev, writes RBC.

Of course, before detaining governors and other high-ranking officials, the head of the service coordinates the position with FSB director Bortnikov. And with such questions it is already necessary to approach the president. The resolution should be the same everywhere: “To work”. Signature, date. Which, in fact, means - in Lefortovo, Fontanka notes.

The Economic Security Service is one of the key units in the FSB, explains retired FSB Major General Alexander Mikhailov, a member of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy. According to him, in the USSR, in the face of confrontation with the West, the main role was played by employees directly involved in counterintelligence, but in last years the value of the SEB has increased markedly.

Officially, the structure of the SEB FSB is not disclosed. As Novaya Gazeta wrote, the Economic Security Service includes seven departments: for counterintelligence support of the credit and financial system (department "K"), industrial enterprises, transport, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Emergencies, the Ministry of Justice, for combating smuggling and drug trafficking, organizational and analytical management and administrative service.

From 2004 to 2008, the SEB was headed by Alexander Bortnikov, who moved from this post immediately to the post of director of the FSB. Yakovlev became Bortnikov's successor in the leadership of the SEB. On July 8, Vladimir Putin appointed a new head of one of the key divisions of the FSB, the Economic Security Service. They became Sergei Korolev.

The most notorious criminal cases of the Sixth Service

May 8, 2015. Police Lieutenant General Denis Sugrobov, who until February 2014 headed the Main Directorate for Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, was detained. Recall that he was arrested on charges of organizing a criminal community, provoking a bribe and exceeding official authority. His deputy Boris Kolesnikov was also arrested, who soon committed suicide.

September 2015. The head of the Komi Republic, Vyacheslav Gaizer, was arrested on charges of fraud and organizing a criminal community. 19 people are involved in the Gaiser case, including the ex-deputy of the State Duma from Komi Yevgeny Samoilov.

March 4, 2016. Governor Alexander Khoroshavin was detained on Sakhalin, he is charged with taking a bribe in the amount of $6 million.

March 14, 2016. Deputy Minister of Culture Grigory Pirumov was detained in Rostov. The total amount of damage imputed to him and other defendants is more than 100 million rubles. In addition to Pirumov, the director of the St. Petersburg company BaltStroy, Dmitry Sergeev, and other responsible persons were arrested in the so-called "restorers' case".

End March 2016. Arrested "St. Petersburg businessman number 1" billionaire Dmitry Mikhalchenko. He has been charged with smuggling. According to investigators, elite alcohol was bought at European auctions, which came to Russia under the guise of building sealant.

According to RBC, the Mikhalchenko case is not the only case of smuggling handled by CSS. At the end of 2015, management became interested in the case of ULS Global. Among the defendants in the investigation was the head of the 7th department of department "K" (it deals with counterintelligence support in the credit and financial sphere) of the Economic Security Service of the FSB Vadim Uvarov.

The connection with Mikhalchenko was reflected in the career of one of the country's most senior security officials, the director of the FSO, Yevgeny Murov.

Murov worked for several years together with Mikhalchenko's business partner Nikolai Negodov in the regional department of the FSB. Murov, Mikhalchenko, Negodov lived in the same village on the shores of Lake Valdai in the Novgorod region.

At the end of May, by decision of the President, Murov was dismissed. The press secretary of the head of state, Dmitry Peskov, explained Murov's dismissal by his advanced age, reminds RBC.

June 24, 2016. In a Moscow restaurant, while receiving 400 thousand euros, the governor of the Kirov region, the former chairman of the Union of Right Forces, Nikita Belykh, was caught red-handed.

July 13, 2016. The court authorized the arrest of Zakhary Kalashov (Shakro Molodoy), who is charged with extortion and organizing a criminal community.

On the night of 18 to 19 July. Detained were Denis Nikandrov, Deputy Head of the Main Investigative Directorate of the Investigative Committee for Moscow, Mikhail Maksimenko, Head of the Main Directorate for Interdepartmental Cooperation and Internal Security of the Investigative Committee, and Alexander Lamonov, his deputy, Head of the Internal Security Department.

July 26, 2016. Investigators found about 10 million rubles and hundreds of thousands of dollars and euros during a search in the house of the head of the Federal Customs Service of the Russian Federation Andrei Belyaninov. Searches were also carried out in the offices of Belyaninov's deputies Andrei Strukov and Ruslan Davydov. During the searches, items and documents relevant to the investigation of the criminal case on alcohol smuggling were confiscated.

As it became known today, July 28, Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev signed a decree on the resignation of the head of the Federal Customs Service Andrei Belyaninov.

We note, following Fontanka, that Khoroshavin, Gaiser, Belykh are the governor's power. Sugrobov is a policewoman. Pirumov - ministerial. Mikhalchenko - capitalist. Citizen Shakro is a mafia. Today we reached the Investigative Committee and the Federal Customs Service.

Changes in the FSB

In June, the head of department "K" (part of the SEB structure), Viktor Voronin, the immediate supervisor of Vadim Uvarov, lost his post.

The USB had information that Voronin was connected with Mikhalchenko, two interlocutors close to the CSS management told RBC. Voronin's resignation was based on the results of an internal audit, which was carried out by the CSS employees in the SES.

Shortly after the first audit, Homeland Security began a re-audit. Upon its completion, the head of the SEB, Yuri Yakovlev, resigned.

A few weeks before the resignation of Yakovlev, Korolev became the main contender for his place, interlocutors in the special service told RBC. It was he who was appointed head of the SEB on July 8.

Now the FSB is undergoing reshuffles, but already at the level of middle-level operatives of the Economic Security Service. According to one of the interlocutors of RBC in the FSB, close to the leadership of the special services, it is still difficult to assess the scale of layoffs, but it is already known that about ten people will lose their posts, about half of which will be additionally checked in connection with possible violations of the law.

Another interlocutor of RBC in the special service said that at least one person from among the SEB employees left the country. According to another RBC source, one of the operatives of the Economic Security Service was fired on July 8, the day the decree on the appointment of a new head of the SEB was signed.

Petr Sarukhanov / "New"

Before the end of the summer, President Vladimir Putin will sign a decree on the dismissal of FSB General Oleg Feoktistov from military service. The news that the ex-deputy head of the Department of Internal Security (SSB) of the FSB and vice-president of Rosneft was finally leaving Lubyanka spread in news agencies in early spring. Then the general was sent on a two-month vacation.

Certain patrons of Feoktistov, however, did their best to keep him in the reserve of the special services. Some of them even sought the appointment of an officer to the post of deputy head of the Economic Security Service (SEB) of the FSB with the right to oversee the Office for Counterintelligence Support for Enterprises oil and gas sector(Management "P").

The draft decree on dismissal, according to sources in Lubyanka and Staraya Ploshchad, has already been prepared and, after approval by the Security Council, sent for signature.

And although history remembers examples of a sharp change in presidential plans, the future of Oleg Feoktistov can hardly be associated with military service - Lubyanka never gave a return ticket even to those who left it of their own free will and without conflicts. The dismissal of the general is also confirmed by The Bell sources.

In principle, personnel rotation is a natural and habitual phenomenon for any public authority, and the current event may seem far from the main news. But this is only at first glance. Yes, General Feoktistov was not a federal minister or governor, but he occupied, to put it mildly, no less significant positions on the political and economic map of the country. To some extent, the general could be considered a key figure: one way or another, big business and industry departments closed on him, which Feoktistov, by virtue of the functionality entrusted to him, had to keep an eye on.

In recent years, the name of the general was heard not only by his potential "objects" - journalists wrote about him as soon as reports appeared in the criminal chronicle about the detention of another major official or businessman. The last time Feoktistov spoke was in the context of a criminal case on the receipt of a large bribe by Economy Minister Alexei Ulyukaev.

The arrest of the minister in November 2016 was the last and most high-profile operation for the general. But far from the most important and bright.

Oleg Feoktistov not only has more than a hundred complex operational measures behind him, but is considered, no less, one of the architects of the current security system.

Largely thanks to the Special Specialist General, the FSB gained what the Soviet KGB never had - control over the country's law enforcement and fiscal agencies.

The process of turning modern security officers into the main regulators of the power market was long and difficult - none of the parallel law enforcement structures was willing to give up their independence voluntarily. It began in the second half of the 2000s, when the FSB imprisoned the top of the Federal Drug Control Service (FSKN), and ended last summer with the resignation of the director of the Federal Security Service (FSO) Yevgeny Murov and the replacement of the generals of the Federal Customs Service (FCS) with personnel Chekists. Within ten years, within the FSB itself, a dozen deputy directors and heads of departments were replaced, each of whom was appointed by the president and formed his own vertical, which complicated expansion.

In this heterogeneous and constantly changing environment, a person was needed who would execute the director's order, bypassing a long executive chain. a kind

a universal soldier, not burdened with a specific direction, but able to solve any problem. This person was Oleg Feoktistov.

Little is known about the general's biography: he began his service in the Stavropol border detachment of the Border Troops of the KGB of the USSR, in the 90s he graduated from the Academy of the FSB, and in 2004, under the patronage of the head of the CSS of the FSB, Sergei Shishin, he headed the 6th service, which is called the "six" in the Lubyanka .

Formally, the service was created to provide state protection to witnesses and victims, and therefore its backbone was made up of fighters from the elite special forces of the FSB Special Purpose Center. In reality, the “six” was not limited in its powers.

Maybe that's why it deserved a rather bright nickname - the Inquisition.

Yesterday's Alfovtsy and Vympelovtsy, accustomed to working in combat conditions, did not differ in depth in operational work, but they knew how to find methods of influencing witnesses and suspects. For Feoktistov, it was even more convenient - he preferred to build operational combinations himself.

FSKN. First blood

In 2005, FSB CSS operatives, together with the department for combating smuggling and corruption in the customs authorities of the Department "K" of the FSB SEB (counterintelligence in the credit and financial sphere), stopped large-scale smuggling of consignments of Chinese clothing imported through the Far Eastern customs department by rail and destined for sales in the capital Cherkizovsky market.

As part of the criminal case, which was being processed by the head of the Department for the Investigation of Particularly Important Cases of the Investigative Committee (IC) under the Prosecutor General's Office, Vladimir Lyseyko, many people were in custody - from clerks of little-known brokerage firms to seaside officials.

The Cherkizovsky market, considered the main selling point for cheap imported consumer goods, belonged to the Azerbaijani billionaire Telman Ismailov, a close friend of the then mayor of Moscow, Yuri Luzhkov, a lover of luxurious receptions and a great benefactor. In the circle of good friends whom the businessman received at the Prague restaurant on Novy Arbat, he liked to flaunt his close relationship with the country's leadership and showed joint photos without hesitation. Therefore, after receiving information about the detention of Chinese clothes in Vladivostok and in order to avoid searches, he turned to a frequent visitor to his restaurant, the head of the Presidential Security Service (SBP), Viktor Zolotov, for help.

Information about the circumstances and details of the FSB operation first interested Deputy Interior Minister Andrey Novikov, and then Director of the Federal Drug Control Service Viktor Cherkesov, who instructed his deputy, head of the operational support department Alexander Bulbov, to conduct a covert check. The fact is that the ambitious General Cherkesov saw himself as the director of the FSB, and therefore the FSKN made attempts to get into investigations of cases related to smuggling.

Bulbov in the course of studying the stages of illegal import through Far East I came across an amazing find - the place of transshipment of imported goods was the warehouse near Moscow of the military unit of the rear service of the FSB, with which the carriers entered into lease agreements. So the criminal case, which the Chekists sought, turned against them: the FSKN began to develop the leadership of several key departments in the FSB at once with a view to involvement in the organization of the commodity smuggling channel.

Former employees of the Federal Drug Control Service said that as part of the operational and technical measures carried out by Bulbov, it was allegedly possible to document the negotiations between the leadership of the FSB CSS and representatives of the Prosecutor General’s Office, at which the prospects for excluding the most serious criminal structure, the creation of an organized criminal group, were discussed. Viktor Cherkesov, who at that time allowed himself to publicly criticize the activities of the FSB, spoke about the report to the president on this matter.

What facts this report contained is not known for certain, but a few months later a number of high-ranking FSB generals were fired by presidential decree. Among them were the head of the organizational and inspection department Yuri Anisimov and the head of the CSS Sergey Shishin. The latter received the position of vice president at VTB Bank and joined the board of directors of Rosneft. In May 2006, Prosecutor General Yury Ustinov was dismissed, and Yury Chaika, who held this position, soon resumed the investigation of a high-profile criminal case of smuggling furniture in Three Kita stores. Operational support was provided by the Federal Drug Control Service - General Cherchesov gradually brought his ambitions to life.

General Alexander Kupryazhkin (at one time he worked as a seconded FSB officer in the tax police, whose successor the FSKN became), was soon appointed the chief special officer of the Lubyanka. His deputy was Oleg Feoktistov, who was instructed to develop symmetrical measures.

Checking the interests of the Federal Drug Control Service led General Feoktistov to St. Petersburg and Krasnodar region, where the smuggling channels of Chinese and Turkish clothes worked, all imported for the same "Cherkizon". The organizers of the channel, as the employees of the 6th service of the CSS of the FSB, turned out to be the owners of the St. Petersburg customs forwarder "Rosmoravia" and the heads of the Krasnodar law enforcement fund "Consul", associated with some officers of the Presidential Security Service.

In the summer of 2009, Vladimir Putin, at a meeting with the heads of law enforcement agencies, was indignant at the inaction of the latter in connection with the published information about consignments of smuggled clothing worth $ 2 billion, which is located on the Cherkizovsky market.

The very next day after the meeting, the "six" detained the owners of "Rosmoravia" on suspicion of evading customs payments on an especially large scale. It is noteworthy that the employees of the 2nd department of the St. Petersburg FSB who oversaw the northwestern customs department were not under investigation. And it's not about a system that does not give up its own - thanks to this operation, Oleg Feoktistov got the opportunity to recruit individual employees of the St. Petersburg department for further work.

The recruitment of valuable personnel will subsequently become the hallmark of the general, who will create a powerful agent network in many law enforcement agencies.

However, the country still saw the trial of high-ranking security officials: in September 2007, the “six” detained FSKN General Alexander Bulbov and his subordinates on suspicion of illegal wiretapping of FSB officers. The basis for the criminal prosecution of drug trafficking fighters was the testimony of two Moscow police officers about the use by Bulbov of the USTM (Department of Special Technical Measures) of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for Moscow to control security officers.

Despite the rather meager evidence, the FSKN operatives were taken into custody, and a joke was born on the Lubyanka: Oleg Feoktistov introduced the Old Testament practice of proving guilt with two testimonies into the Code of Criminal Procedure. It should be noted that there is some truth in this joke - the detention of people on the basis of testimony was often practiced by the Internal Security Service of the FSB, which was noticed by many law enforcement officers.

But General Feoktistov, unlike his fellow theorists, trusted practice more, which formed an indisputable truth: any apparatus intrigue in the name of which the abuse of the name and trust of the president is allowed is the main proof of guilt.

General Cherkesov was dismissed. Billionaire Telman Ismailov left the country and has been on the wanted list ever since. All photographs from his office were confiscated by FSB officers during a search.

Prosecutor General's Office. How to beat the casino

In March 2011, an information bomb went off on the air of federal channels: several district prosecutors of the Moscow region were detained by the FSB as part of an investigation into the activities of underground gambling establishments. The fault of the prosecutors, according to investigators, was of a corrupt nature - they protected the casino network from encroachment by control services for regular bribes from its owner, businessman Ivan Nazarov.

This criminal case was the first high-profile investigation for the Investigative Committee and its chairman Alexander Bastrykin, which, as a result of the adoption federal law left the departmental subordination of the Prosecutor General's Office and became an independent element in the law enforcement system of Russia.

The shock fist in the investigation group formed by the chairman of the ICR was made up of people from the Volgograd administration, who moved to Moscow after Bastrykin's deputy Valery Alyshev. Among all, the young "important" Denis Nikandrov stood out, who years later was to become the main star of the investigating authorities.

From the very first day, the investigation was accompanied by constant leaks in the media of the materials of the criminal case. All this was seasoned with regular hints from anonymous sources of news agencies about the possible involvement of high-ranking employees of the Prosecutor General's Office in the crime. The viewers, who daily watched the footage of the detentions of prosecutors and the biting comments of Alexander Bastrykin, should have had the impression that the initiator and engine of this criminal case was the Investigative Committee. The leaders of the investigative body, which began to be perceived in the public mind as something self-sufficient and weighty, supported this image.

But after the main sensation ran on TV channels - the son of the Prosecutor General Artem Chaika was summoned for interrogation at the TFR in Technical Lane - information appeared in the public space about the FSB's active participation in the investigation. This became clear after the personal intervention of the then President Dmitry Medvedev: first, he held a meeting with Alexander Bastrykin and Yuri Chaika, demanding that they stop disclosing investigation materials and speculating on the names of relatives, and then fired Vyacheslav Ushakov, deputy director of the FSB (an internal audit showed his connection with information leaks).

The “case of Moscow region prosecutors”, which for the first time in history forced the Prosecutor General’s Office headed by Yuri Chaika to appeal to the Constitution in defense of its employees, was initiated by the Investigative Committee on the basis of operational materials of the 6th service of Oleg Feoktistov. In 2009, the special officers received the first signal collection about the connection of employees of the supervisory department near Moscow with the owners of underground casinos back in 2009. The next two years, the information seems to have been carefully prepared for implementation. As the now arrested employee of the ICR later admits, the operation against the prosecutors of the FSB CSS was prepared jointly with the chief special officer of the ICR Mikhail Maksimenko, his deputy Alexander Lamonov, and Valery Alyshev. They performed the operational tasks of the Chekists.

This criminal case, which promised to be unprecedented in terms of the political level of potential defendants, as a result, hardly reached the court. The district prosecutors were released, and personnel changes took place in the Prosecutor General's Office, which in their scale looked more like cosmetic repairs. But for the FSB, this was hardly bad news: Yuri Chaika and his deputies, who had previously treated the Lubyanka generals without much piety (and therefore did not support the petitions of the investigation when choosing a preventive measure for their suspects and did not approve the indictments in some criminal cases), became noticeably more loyal. And Deputy Prosecutor General Vladimir Malinovsky, who canceled the decisions of the investigators in the framework of the "gambling case", further defended the position of the ICR and the FSB CSS in the case against the General of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Sugrobov.

MIA. Endgame for the general

In the spring of 2014, the Ministry of Internal Affairs was shaken by a loud scandal: high-ranking employees of the Main Directorate for Economic Security and Anti-Corruption (GUEBiPK) of the ministry were arrested on charges of abuse of power, which was expressed in the illegal prosecution of officials and entrepreneurs. Subsequently, the Investigative Committee, on the basis of operational materials of the 6th service of the Internal Security Service of the FSB, accused them of participating in a criminal community, the organization of which was imputed to the head of the central office, Denis Sugrobov.

Novaya Gazeta wrote about this case as part of the special project The Case of the Special Services. The police arrests were preceded by a protracted conflict between the two generals, Sugrobov and Feoktistov, the true reasons for which both prefer not to talk about.

The news of the impending dismissal of the former special officer from the FSB made it possible to find out new, as yet unexplored circumstances of this confrontation.

Feoktistov and Sugrobov met long before their units became advanced in the law enforcement system, and even managed to carry out several joint operational implementations. The police general admitted in his testimony that a trusting relationship developed between them then, and he even introduced his colleague to the head of the Moscow Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the future Minister of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolokoltsev.

The reason for the discord in the relationship between the two generals, as Sugrobov himself said, was his former colleague at the DEB of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (the predecessor of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs) Andrey Khorev. This officer transferred to ORB No. 7 in the middle of the 2000s from the tax police, where he worked under Viktor Cherkesov, and in 2010 was considered as Sugrobov's main competitor for the position of head of the newly created GUEBiPK. Both policemen experienced mutual hostility, which was not hidden even in front of junior officers. Personal relations were superimposed on work relations as well - investigating high-profile economic crimes, they collected incriminating information against each other.

Shortly before Dmitry Medvedev ordered to draw up a list of candidates for the post of head of the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs, Andrey Khorev unexpectedly suggested that Denis Sugrobov bury the hatchet.

The settlement of mutual claims took place over lunch at the Starlite Diner cafe, opposite the ministry building on October Square. Sugrobov chose this place after he found out that following their conversation, Khorev was going to meet with his friend. The next day, he was already studying the tacit audio recording of these negotiations by Khorev - all the cafes close to the ministry, by order of the young general, were equipped with means of objective control.

Having heard the characteristics addressed to him and learning about the future plans of the old-new enemy, Denis Sugrobov showed the transcript to the management and began the active development of Andrey Khorev. Soon, ORB No. 10 of the DEB of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Denis Sugrobov received a statement from the top manager of the Russian representative office of the Danish developer of video systems Bang and Olufsen, which reported extortion of a large amount of money from Khorev's subordinates. Since Denis Sugrobov did not trust the police special officers (GUSB MVD), he suggested that Oleg Feoktistov, deputy head of the FSB FSB, realize this information. But the operational experiment was not destined to take place.

Officers from Sugrobov's inner circle calmed down their boss for a long time, who did not know about main line colleagues from the FSB: he preferred to turn potential victims into loyal vassals.

The next meeting of the two generals took place already in 2011 in the building of the FSB CSS, where Denis Sugrobov came to get acquainted with General Alexander Kupryazhkin. Sugrobov recalled how Feoktistov in his office tried to persuade him to make peace with Khorev. Since then, relations between the generals have only worsened: employees of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (which was eventually headed by Sugrobov) developed everyone who could be involved in undercover cooperation with the "six" or was in the status of a confidant of special officers.

Bankers, officials of the Moscow government, customs officials and even employees of the GUSB of the Ministry of Internal Affairs fell into the scope of the police general. Some of them held business meetings in the closed rooms of the restaurant in mall"Nautilus" in front of the FSB building on Lubyanka, where employees of the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs carried out operational and technical measures.

It is difficult to understand what motivated Denis Sugrobov at that moment: the desire to remove the leadership of the 6th service of the FSB CSS, to recruit its agents, or a simple human insult. Once Sugrobov admitted that he was forced to do this by the instructions of the presidential assistant for personnel policy Yevgeny Shkolov, who once recommended the general to the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

One way or another, it is unlikely that operational control over the environment of the “six” can be explained by the fight against corruption: the information collected was never implemented, and the agents of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (the same bankers, officials and security officials) are by and large nothing from “colleagues in the shop” did not differ - they held similar meetings, discussed the same topics.

I do not know exactly when General Feoktistov found out about the actions of Sugrobov's subordinates, who did not entrust the development of the Nautilus even to his closest subordinates. For a long time, the FSB CSS did not show aggression against the anti-corruption head office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and began to act only in 2013 - after the detention by the GUEBiPK officers of Alexander Romanov, adviser to the head of the FSUE ROSTEK subordinate to the customs service and partner Andrey Khorev.

Just at this time, the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs became close to the FSB Department "M". This unit provides counterintelligence support in law enforcement agencies, coordinating large appointments, and promptly serves the Lefortovo special detention center (SIZO 99/2) and the Matrosskaya Tishina special block (SIZO 99/1). A wide range of technical tools for operational work made it a structure comparable to the 6th service of the FSB CSS.

The main backbone in this department was made up of people from the Rostov department of the FSB, who paid special attention to two areas - the transport police and the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Sugrobov's subordinates and the operatives of the Department "M" of the FSB closely cooperated: the former carried out some operational tasks of the curators, and they, in turn, did not interfere with their work and career growth.

Some employees of the police headquarters, among whom were even those close to Denis Sugrobov, were under operational control in the "M" Department of the FSB. Boris Kolesnikov, Sugrobov's deputy, his close comrade and right hand in operational work (by the way, he also worked with trusted representatives of the police in the field of business and the state apparatus).

For a long time, Sergei Gribanov oversaw the direction of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the FSB Directorate "M", but officer Dmitry Senin, who transferred to work in the organizational and inspection department of the FSB (essentially performing the functions of the control and audit department of the Lubyanka), retained influence on him.

FSB colonels Senin and Gribanov, as well as their subordinate Major Yevgeny Lobanov, played a key role in the defeat of the GUEBiPK MVD.

They managed to convince Boris Kolesnikov and his subordinate Alexei Bodnar of the need to start developing a manual for the 6th service of the FSB CSS, the purpose of which was to document the fact of corruption and undermine the positions of Oleg Feoktistov. The blow to the "six" did not contradict the opinion of the highest generals of the special services, the curators assured Kolesnikov - and promised to cover his back.

Then the deputy head of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs began planning an operation to document corruption in the 6th service of the FSB CSS. The operation ended with the arrest of the policemen themselves and the beginning of a large investigation, the defendants of which were Kolesnikov and his subordinates, and ultimately Denis Sugrobov.

Only three years later it turns out that Senin, Gribanov and Lobanov at that time were carrying out the operational task of the 6th service of the FSB CSS, which pushed the policemen to provocation. They were assisted by Igor Zhigarev, deputy head of the Main Directorate of Internal Security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, who even today carries out the delicate requests of the Chekists.

It is hard to believe that Sugrobov was not privy to the details of the upcoming operation against the "six" - any operational measures against those who were somehow close to Oleg Feoktistov were agreed with him personally. Rather, the police general, who for his great love for chess received the nickname Grandmaster among his relatives, simply did not know about the moves of the opponent, who had already seen what kind of endgame this game would have.

In the spring of this year, the Moscow City Court sentenced Sugrobov to 22 years in prison (his subordinates also received large sentences - from 17 to 20 years).

While in Lefortovo, Denis Sugrobov recalled a detail from the biography of Dmitry Senin - among his associates in the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was a native of the Rostov tax police department, Colonel Dmitry Zakharchenko, with whom the Chekist was also connected with family relations.

General Feoktistov, on the other hand, did not even seem to know about the existence of the Colonel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs: when recruiting the most significant officers, his agent network also included agents of the latter, who effectively used the power given to them for their own purposes, becoming multimillionaires.

FSO. How the guards got kicked out

In March 2016, operatives of the 6th service of the CSS of the FSB detained the co-owner of the Forum holding, billionaire Dmitry Mikhalchenko. The entrepreneur, whose structures monopolized the market for state orders in the field of restoration, was considered close to the family of the director of the FSO, Yevgeny Murov. Mikhalchenko was charged with the smuggling of expensive alcohol, intended for sale in his Buddha-Bar restaurant, and his junior business partners with embezzlement during the restoration of objects of the Ministry of Culture and the construction of the Novo-Ogaryovo and Bocharov Ruchey residences. Shortly after the arrest of Mikhalchenko, the long-term director of the FSO, Yevgeny Murov, was relieved of his post.

Since its inception, the FSO has been a special service comparable to the FSB in terms of authority and technical equipment. Possessing its own system of operational-search activities (SORM), it could exercise independent operational control over the means of communication of officials, businessmen and fellow security officials. It is no coincidence that employees of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the times of Denis Sugrobov used the SORM of the operational management of the FSO to wiretap telephone conversations and remove information from the technical communication channels of the objects of interest to them.

But it was not the technical side of the issue that made the special service a competitor for the FSB, but the figure of its boss: Yevgeny Murov was not just a permanent member of the Security Council, but also the person physically closest to the president. (The presidential security service, which protects Vladimir Putin, is part of the FSO.)

Entrepreneur Dmitry Mikhalchenko often used this argument for personal gain in many business negotiations: his structures entered into contracts with the Ministry of Culture, as well as state-owned enterprises in different regions of the country.

Partners and comrades of Mikhalchenko, who witnessed his harsh statements regarding the leadership of the FSB and references to the president in negotiations, deliberately moved away from the businessman - as if they had a premonition of trouble. True, the opposite was also observed: the remaining environment pushed Mikhalchenko to such actions.

All this happened in 2015, when the St. Petersburg department of the FSB had already received instructions from colleagues from the central office to listen in on Dmitry Mikhalchenko’s conversations and document his business meetings. At the same time, FSB Advisor to Minister Vladimir Medinsky Mikhail Kozhemyakin, assigned to the Ministry of Culture by the Service for the Protection of the Constitutional System and Combating Terrorism (SZKSiBT), received an order to collect information for a future criminal case.

The implementation of operational information occurred in March last year: security officers detained numerous managers of construction companies that were part of the Forum holding, and then Dmitry Mikhalchenko himself. The co-owner of the holding had no formal relationship with the companies, therefore, during interrogations, as a witness, he referred to ignorance.

Six months later, the businessman had already petitioned for additional interrogation, but was refused time after time. His testimony as part of the investigation into the smuggling of alcoholic products was not recorded as irrelevant to the case.

The operation against Dmitry Mikhalchenko, who, on the day the measure of restraint was chosen in court, laughed at the smuggling imputed to him, revealed another unique quality General Oleg Feoktistov: in fulfilling the task, he was looking for the object of development of a crime that excluded the prosecution of persons who were not seen among the accused at Lubyanka.

Immediately after the arrest of Mikhalchenko, Yevgeny Murov headed the board of directors of Transneft, and the structures of the Forum continued to fulfill existing government contracts, but with renewed management - Nikita Murov, the grandson of the former director of the FSO, entered the board of directors of the holding.

FCS. Reverse calculation

At the end of July 2016, operatives of the 6th service of the CSS of the FSB came with a search to the office and country houses of the chairman of the Federal Customs Service Andrei Belyaninov.

The country's chief customs officer became the target of the FSB in 2010, when he was able to achieve full customs autonomy from Lubyanka. This happened after Belyaninov pointed out to the president the presence of commercial ties between the owner of the Cherkizovsky market, Telman Ismailov, and his deputy, Igor Zavrazhny. This venerable FSB general, seconded to customs at the beginning of the 2000s, led the operational units of the FCS and acted with an eye only to the Lubyanka.

The scandal surrounding the Cherkizovsky market was not limited to the recall of only one Zavrazhny to the office of seconded FSB officers - all the employees of the customs operational units closed to him lost their jobs in customs. The FSB suspected that information about the infiltrated officers was declassified by their colleague Leonid Grachkov, a relative of Viktor Voronin, head of the K department of the SEB FSB, and one of the few officers who removed the security officer's shoulder straps for further service in customs.

General Voronin, by the way, wrote a letter of resignation in June 2016.

And a month later, the Lubyanka special officers raided the possessions of Andrei Belyaninov. Investigative actions took place in the framework of the case of alcohol smuggling by Dmitry Mikhalchenko. In search of evidence of the crimes of the St. Petersburg businessman, operatives of the 6th service of the CSS of the FSB obtained evidence from businessman Anatoly Kindzersky, whose company Kontrail Logistic North-West carried out the import and customs clearance of alcoholic beverages.

This company, among other things, had the status of an authorized economic operator of the Federal Customs Service, which allowed customs declaration of the cargo within a month after its actual release for free circulation.

Former partners of Dmitry Mikhalchenko said that Kindzersky was bribed by the promised prospect of getting a customs terminal in the Bronka port, the construction of which was being completed by the structures of the Forum holding, and therefore he agreed to this dubious enterprise.

At the same time, people from Kindzersky's entourage shared that the customs operator, when making risky deliveries, always consulted with the St. Petersburg department of the FSB.

Be that as it may, immediately after the arrest, Kindzersky entered into a pre-trial agreement, under which he testified about the agreements with the head of the security service Dmitry Mikhalchenko, but most importantly, he revealed the circumstances of obtaining the status of an authorized economic operator.

Thanks to these testimonies, the FSB obtained grounds for a search in the companies of the Arsenal group of businessman Sergei Lobanov, who was a member of the inner circle of the chairman of the Federal Customs Service Andrei Belyaninov, as well as in the office of the head of customs himself.

As a result of the searches, Andrei Belyaninov was dismissed - his place was taken by the presidential envoy in the North-Western Federal District, Lieutenant General of the FSB Vladimir Bulavin, who returned seconded Lubyanka employees to customs.

This personnel decision, as subsequent events showed, was spontaneous and unprepared: President Vladimir Putin, during his message to the Federal Assembly, criticized the investigating authorities for publishing photographs taken during a search in Belyaninov's house (they showed seized large sums of cash and jewelry).

The matter was not limited to public scolding: many high-ranking employees of the FSB and the TFR lost their posts, but the main personnel sensation was the resignation from the post of deputy head of the FSB FSB, General Feoktistov.

It is possible that the leadership of the FSB considered that he was responsible for his subordinates, who took photographs in Belyaninov's house.

But it is unlikely that he could influence the decision of the leadership of the federal channels on the use of these personnel in news releases.

Be that as it may, with the end of the FSB crusade against the "allied" General Feoktistov was sacrificed.

The general was defended by the executive director of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, who achieved the transfer of Oleg Feoktistov to his company for the position of vice president for security - as a seconded employee of the Directorate "P" of the SEB FSB.

Minister. Last operation

In the fall of 2016, Rosneft received the right to buy out a controlling stake in Bashneft, which belonged to the Republic of Bashkortostan, and General Feoktistov was sent to Ufa to conduct a comprehensive audit.

The state of affairs in Bashneft was well known to General Feoktistov even during his service in the FSB CSS, where he was investigating a criminal case against billionaire Vladimir Yevtushenkov, the owner of AFK-Sistema, which at that time owned the asset.

At the end of 2014, the Investigative Committee of the ICR, led by Valery Alyshev and with the operational support of the 6th service of the Internal Security Service of the FSB, detained Yevtushenkov on suspicion of legalizing property obtained by criminal means. Such property, according to investigators, was a controlling stake in Bashneft, bought out by Yevtushenkov from the structures of the son of the ex-head of Bashkortostan, Ural Rakhimov.

Shortly before the arrest, the current head of Bashkortostan, Rustem Khamitov, addressed a letter to President Vladimir Putin, in which he noted the economic problems in the region and drew attention to the loss of his main asset - a controlling stake in Bashneft.

High-ranking officials of the presidential administration noticed at the same time that the complaints against the management of Bashneft were primarily related to the activities of new shareholders - the allegedly built chain of oil production, its processing at Belarusian refineries and sales enriched oil traders, but not the republican budget. Then AFK-Sistema voluntarily transferred the shares of Bashneft to the Ministry of Property of Bashkortostan, and the criminal prosecution of Yevtushenkov was terminated.

Close acquaintances of the billionaire observed strong changes in his behavior: the entrepreneur, who once married his daughter to the son of the head of the FSB Special Purpose Center, General Alexander Tikhonov, managed to avoid problems with the Lubyanka for a long time.

Already as vice president of Rosneft, Oleg Feoktistov had to upset the businessman again. As the security service of the state-owned company established, shortly before the transfer of shares to the Republic of Bashkortostan, the board of directors of Bashneft decided on the future sale of significant volumes of oil to several offshore companies.

The price of the transactions concluded in Rosneft was considered unreasonably low, but they did not challenge it in foreign courts - litigation could drag on for years and did not guarantee a positive outcome.

In this regard, this spring, Rosneft turned to court of Arbitration Bashkortostan with a claim against AFK-Sistema for compensation for losses allegedly incurred from the reorganization of Bashneft in 2013-2014. The substance of this claim has been criticized legal service"Systems", but the oil company made it clear: the defendant knows what exactly he will have to pay for ...

General Feoktistov, who worked on preparing the company for this lawsuit, soon returned to his usual and beloved operational work.

In November 2016, FSB officers detained the minister economic development Alexei Ulyukaev when receiving a bribe in the amount of $2 million at the office of Rosneft for not obstructing the privatization of Bashneft.

For the first time in a long time, General Feoktistov, who began developing the minister as deputy head of the FSB FSB, personally took part in operational and investigative actions.

Oleg Feoktistov was in good spirits while instructing the employees of the Directorate "K" of the FSB SEB (which was headed by the head of the 6th service of the FSB FSB Ivan Tkachev), sent to the operational experiment.

The circumstances of this criminal case, leaked to the press, caused a critical assessment among lawyers: the official did not insist on a meeting, but received an invitation from the executive director of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, and even canceled the planned meeting at the Ministry of Economic Development.

But at Lubyanka they made it clear: like the former leadership of Bashneft, the ex-minister knows the true reason for his criminal prosecution ...

One way or another, the day after the arrest, Alexei Ulyukaev took Alexander Vershinin, a close friend of Oleg Feoktistov, as his lawyer, and to this day he answers questions about the circumstances of the criminal case: “Provocation.”

As part of this case, Deputy Prime Minister Arkady Dvorkovich and Presidential Aide Andrei Belousov were interrogated as witnesses, and Oleg Feoktistov, who had perked up in spirit, began to be congratulated on a historic event - the last time a current member of the Cabinet of Ministers was detained more than half a century ago. And although today it is unlikely that many people remember who exactly arrested Lavrenty Beria, it is rather symbolic that the effective operation against Alexei Ulyukaev was the last for General Feoktistov.

In March of this year, he was recalled from Rosneft to the office of seconded FSB officers, where he was informed of his dismissal. The reasons for this decision were not reported to the general public, but at the same time, the oil company withdrew the claims against Transneft, which Oleg Feoktistov also began work on.

After the news of the dismissal of the general, a hypertensive crisis overtook - an ambulance was called directly to the Lubyanka. Famous for his stamina and toughness in the performance of state tasks, sending officials, security officials and billionaires to the cells of pre-trial detention centers, the general gave up due to the loss of his job. It is not difficult to guess what exactly this work was for him.

Novaya Gazeta learned the name of the new head of the Internal Security Department of the FSB. How will this appointment affect the functioning of the department?

Novaya Gazeta learned the name of the new head of the FSB's own security department. According to the publication's sources in counterintelligence and the presidential administration, it will be the current head of the 2nd service of the CSS, Alexei Komkov. This department, which colleagues call "counterintelligence in counterintelligence", deals with the planning of operational activities.

Currently, Komkov is acting head of the FSB CSS. A draft decree on his appointment has been prepared and will soon be sent to the president for signature. Details Business FM told the correspondent of the investigation department " Novaya Gazeta» Andrey Sukhotin:

Andrey Sukhotin Correspondent of the investigative department of Novaya Gazeta“It is not yet clear whether this appointment will have a positive or negative effect, primarily because we do not know what his tasks will be. This is a complete purge of the people of the previous leadership, who discredited themselves in a number of operations. According to my information, they are especially keenly reminded of their operational implementation by the main department of economic security of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. If you remember, this is Denis Sugrobov and his deputy Boris Kolesnikov, who, under strange circumstances, jumped out of the window of the Investigative Committee. On the other hand, this may indicate that the FSB CSS is becoming an absolutely “toothless” organization that will be completely subordinate to the employees of the Economic Security Service. Among the possible candidates was also the head of the “M” department Alpatov, who provided operational support in a criminal case, in which there were: this is Comrade Maksimenko, his deputy Lamonov and one of the most famous investigators of the Investigative Committee of Russia Denis Nikandrov. It seems that Sergei Korolev, who recent times has acquired some, one might say, power within the framework of the Federal Security Service, is already strengthening its positions, since both his former subordinates and, in fact, persons controlled by him become the heads of such departments.

On Thursday, it became known about the arrests of the current and two former employees of the “K” department of the Economic Security Service (SEB) of the FSB. Department head Kirill Cherkalin, who oversaw the fight against crime in the banking sector, is suspected of taking bribes worth tens of millions of rubles, and his ex-colleagues Dmitry Frolov and Andrey Vasilyev are suspected of fraud. Considering that just the other day two investigators of the central apparatus of the FSB were arrested at once, it can be assumed that a large-scale purge is being carried out at Lubyanka.

For Colonel Cherkalin, his colleagues from the FSB CSS came to work - in the SEB building on Bolshaya Lubyanka Street. Corruption fighters in their own ranks of the special services, according to Kommersant's sources, even took fighters from the anti-terrorist center with them. However, there was no intervention of the special forces: Kirill Cherkalin offered no resistance, voluntarily handing over his service certificate, the keys to the safe, the apartment and the car to the CSS employees. Searches were carried out in the Chekist's office and at home. Moreover, as the interlocutor of Kommersant noted, large sums of money, collections of watches and jewelry were seized during them.

“Perhaps this will be the second Zakharchenko,” said the interlocutor of Kommersant, summing up the preliminary results of the operational and investigative measures that were carried out in Moscow and the region last Thursday.

Colonel Cherkalin is suspected by the main military investigation department of the Investigative Committee of Russia (TFR) of repeatedly taking bribes on an especially large scale (part 6 of article 290 of the Criminal Code). The drifts, according to preliminary data, were connected with a number of criminal cases on fraud in commercial banks, operational support for which was carried out by Mr. Cherkalin and his subordinates. The investigation itself has not yet specified the claims against him. It is only known that the case is being processed by investigators who previously dealt with Defense Ministry official Yevgenia Vasilyeva as part of an investigation into fraud at Oboronservis. And the Chief Military Prosecutor's Office controls the investigation.

Meanwhile, having confirmed the detention of Kirill Cherkalin, the FSB DSP said that the department is actively cooperating with the investigation in another case of former employees of the “K” department, Dmitry Frolov and Andrey Vasiliev. Both colonels were fired from the FSB several years ago due to compromising circumstances. According to some reports, they did not indicate in the declarations the property that their relatives had abroad. Now former Chekists are suspected of committing a crime under Part 4 of Art. 159 (fraud on an especially large scale) of the Criminal Code. Allegedly, they acted as solvers, promising to assist in closing the criminal case, but, having received the money, they scammed their clients. Now they are dealt with by the main investigative department of the TFR, which is assisted by the CSS of the FSB. Moreover, Dmitry Frolov, before his resignation in the “K” department, headed the banking department, and Kirill Cherkalin, with the rank of captain, was his deputy.

It should be noted that Colonel Cherkalin was a landmark figure not only for the special services itself, but, possibly, for the entire financial sector of the country.

A hereditary security officer who received an economic education, he was a member of the interdepartmental commission on combating money laundering, the financing of terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and also represented the FSB in the interdepartmental council for optimizing the payment turnover in Russia. Together with his subordinates, the colonel participated in the investigation of dozens of criminal cases related to banking fraud, the largest of which was the case of the former member of the Federation Council, founder and owner of Mezhprombank, Sergei Pugachev, accused in absentia of especially large embezzlement (part 4 of article 160 of the Criminal Code). At the same time, Colonel Cherkalin actively interacted with the Central Bank, the DIA and Rosfinmonitoring, which allowed them to pursue bankers not only in Russia, but also abroad. From the same Mr. Pugachev, the DIA recovered 75 billion rubles in arbitration. Similar claims were made by the agency against him in France, but they were rejected.

“Cherkalin is a highly respected person,” one of Kommersant’s high-ranking interlocutors noted, not ruling out that his criminal prosecution could lead to personnel changes in a key division of the intelligence service’s central apparatus.

According to Kommersant's sources, Kirill Cherkalin has recently allegedly been one of the confidants of Ivan Tkachev, the head of the department "K" of the SEB FSB. Previously, the general himself served in the division of the CSS of the FSB, the so-called 6th service. According to its materials, in particular, the former head of the GUEBiPK Denis Sugrobov, along with his subordinates, were arrested and convicted. In turn, the department "K" under Mr. Tkachev distinguished himself by developing former ministers economic development of Alexei Ulyukaev and the Minister of the Open Government Mikhail Abyzov, the owners of the Summa group, the brothers Ziyavudin and Magomed Magomedov, as well as other high-profile cases. Now, after a corruption scandal in the department itself, questions may arise for General Tkachev.

It should be noted that another corruption scandal related to the special service is developing in parallel. As Kommersant already reported, last week, former investigator of the FSB Investigation Department Alexei Kolbov and his current boss Sergei Belousov were detained and then arrested, whom the ICR, based on the materials of the same CSS, suspects of extorting a bribe totaling 65 million rubles. in bitcoins for a suspended sentence to the ex-general director of the Federal State Unitary Enterprise Izvestia Publishing House Erast Galumov, who is accused of fraud.

Moreover, according to Kommersant's sources, CSS may not be limited to cases only in relation to these security officers - other developments are being carried out by its employees. The sources of Kommersant preferred not to comment on the reason for the activation of their own security guards.

Nikolay Sergeev, Sergey Sergeev

Structural subdivision of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation. Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation (FSB of Russia)- federal agency executive power of the Russian Federation, carrying out, within the limits of its authority, the solution of tasks to ensure the security of the Russian Federation. It is endowed with the right to conduct preliminary investigation and inquiry, operational-search and intelligence activities. The FSB of Russia provides for military and federal civil service. The activities of the FSB of Russia are managed by the President of the Russian Federation.

Founded in 1993 as FSK (since 1995 - the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation). The headquarters is located in Moscow (RF). Functions: the service is vested with the right to conduct preliminary investigation and inquiry, operational-search and intelligence activities. The number of employees is classified (informal is called up to 300-350 thousand people, taking into account the Border Guard Service of the Russian Federation). Official site .

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